During the first years of the

procés

, between the Diada of 2012, with the first great street demonstration, and the spring of 2017, when Junts pel Sí and the CUP approved the reform of the Parliament without debate and with a single reading to prevent it from being challenged, the "revolution of smiles" of the Catalan independence movement had been limited to being the folkloric scenery of a rupture threat.

In the end, wearing down the nationalist ranks more, with

Artur Mas

sent by the CUP to the cesspool of the unsuccessful, than to a Spanish government presided over by

Mariano Rajoy

who, fatally, acted as a mere spectator.

However, that apparent comic opera turned into a unilateral insurrection and showed its totalitarian face with the plenary sessions of September 6 and 7, which have been five years since, and which were the beginning of the blow to democracy that nationalism led carried out with the illegal referendum on 1-O and the subsequent unilateral declaration of independence on 27.

"Those two days cannot be considered an anecdote, because they represented the peak of a strategy that combined fiction, cunning and deception, unleashing the subsequent serious events that still mark Catalan and Spanish political life," he explains to EL WORLD

Joan Coscubiela

, a veteran trade unionist who served as spokesperson for Catalunya Sí que es pot, a heterodox alliance that brought together Podemitas, Colauistas and former psuqueros like him.

NATIONALIST ROLLER

With his applauded interventions -the deputies of Cs, PSC and PP came to give him a standing ovation- and his forceful messages to the nationalists -«do not do this cacicada!»-, Coscubiela became together with

Inés Arrimadas

(Cs) in the referent of the parliamentary opposition to a political and judicial strategy that the independence movement had prepared for a long time with jurists such as

Carles Viver Pi-Sunyer

, a former vice president of the Constitutional Court, or Judge

Santiago Vidal

.

In order to move in a few weeks from the regional architecture to that of a State of its own.

In his adaptation of the famous phrase by Professor

Torcuato Fernández-Miranda

, "from law to law", one of the architects of the Spanish transition from Franco's dictatorship to democracy.

Unlike the Spanish process of 1978, in which a constitutional order was built to welcome the different sensitivities and guarantee coexistence, the independence bloc resorted to the parliamentary roller to violate the rights of opposition groups, violate the Statute of autonomy and end up approving on September 6 and at dawn from 7 to 8, the Referendum law and the Transience law.

Placing Catalonia in the abyss.

Contrary to other occasions, such as the consultation of 9-N 2014 in which Artur Mas deceived Mariano Rajoy until the last moment, the independence movement immediately showed its malicious intentions.

Like, for example, when on June 9,

Carles Puigdemont

and

Oriol Junqueras

set a date for the unilateral referendum.

Or when on July 31, JxSí and the CUP registered the Referendum law in the Parliament and the Chamber Table, to avoid possible resources from the Government, decided not to admit it for processing and that the process be carried out on the same 6-S.

COLLISION HEADING

This parliamentary maneuver and the unconstitutionality of the text led the lawyers of the Chamber to warn the president

Carme Forcadell

and the members of the Table of the legal consequences of approving the norm, without achieving that the independence movement changed the course of collision.

Nor did the central government react, which had Vice President

Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría

as her delegate for the failed dialogue operation in Catalonia.

"I spoke many times with the Government, I warned them that Puigdemont and Junqueras were going without a brake and believed they were immune, but from Moncloa they responded by saying that in the end they would not dare. It was desperate," Arrimadas recalls of the days that preceded a plenary session which started with the general secretary of the ERC,

Marta Rovira

, asking for the floor to announce the last trick: to include the processing of the Referendum law.

"At that moment, I knew that for the independence movement there was no going back and they were going to break both with the procedures and with the democratic forms", affirms the then leader of the PSC and today Minister of Culture,

Miquel Iceta

, who celebrates how the opposition managed stop the plenary on different occasions so that the outrage committed there could be visualized, and that the Council of Statutory Guarantees would agree with them.

"THEY ARE CRAZY"

From the moment Rovira discovered the pro-independence intentions, a marathon parliamentary give-and-take began -the bar sold out of bread and beer-, full of tension, fuss, chaos and also vertigo for what would happen the day after.

“We were worried about what might happen in the streets, that there would be violence.

I met a deputy from JxSi in the bathroom and asked him if they were crazy, "admits Xavier García Albiol, then leader of the Catalan PP.

Even among the more moderate deputies of JxSi, concern spread about how far they were going and in the early hours of the 6th to 7th they tried to convince Puigdemont that, once the Referendum law was approved, it was better that the next day it was not processed the transitory law.

The norm that, de facto, should materialize the secession after the consultation.

"I spoke with Puigdemont and he promised me that it would not be approved. He wanted to temporize, but the pressure from the ERC, the CUP and the entities made him give up," says

Santi Vila

, then Minister of Culture.

Finally, in the early morning of the 8th, the independence movement voted for the latest rule of "disconnection" and broke with the current legality, consecrating the infamy of some parliamentary dates that, five years later, many of its protagonists prefer to go unnoticed.

The Esquerra led by

Pere Aragonès

to hide its totalitarian pedigree now that it aspires to be the new Convergència;

the PP so that the high share of responsibility that its paralysis had in the disaster is not remembered and the socialists to hide the nature of the allies that support

Pedro Sánchez

in the Government.

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