In November 2021, a dispute took place in the Basque Parliament that does not appear on the radar of international news agencies.
The two conservative parties moved to condemn the public tributes to former ETA members who are being released from prison as "glorification of terrorism".
The application was rejected in this severity.
Parliament might merely state its "disapproval" of such welcome rituals, particularly in view of the victims' feelings.
However, a representative of the opposite side, who had been jailed three times for his association with ETA, argued that the Partido Popular (PP) for its part glorified the Franco dictatorship and later, already in democratic times,
let those responsible for Spanish "state terrorism" go unpunished.
It was the common form of "But you first!".
Paul Ingenday
Europe correspondent for the feuilleton in Berlin.
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Dozens of such examples could be found, with different political camps accusing each other of links to murderers and torturers.
In contrast to other democratic societies in Europe, Spain is not just about disagreements, but about dealing with a long chain of criminal acts.
The wounds that they and their political instrumentalization have torn are always felt in funeral services, commemoration days and symbolic actions - demanded and refused.
They still hurt and radicalize the spectrum of opinion.
The "Law of Democratic Remembrance" (FAZ of July 12), which was passed a few days ago and extends a law passed by the Zapatero government in 2007, is intended to remedy this: it is intended to protect the victims of tyranny,
A good thing – in principle.
And this is where the interpretation begins, i.e. the dissent.
"Memory" is a generic term.
It includes memory, remembrance and commemoration, i.e. on the one hand personal feelings that must be left to each individual person, on the other hand a political task that should be worked through.
In addition, a precisely defined catalog of values and the corresponding government action.
Opponents would say that the law reflects ideological messianism and contributes not to reconciliation but to division in society.
Proponents argue that the state must finally assume its responsibility and take a stand on past human rights violations.
"Memoria democrática" is also aimed at the future:
on educating all Spaniards, big and small, towards democratic consciousness.
A separate state secretariat takes care of it.
Among the many points that can be found on the 77 pages of the law, the renaming and rededication of one of the most spectacular fascist shrines in Europe is immediately apparent: the "Valley of the Fallen", with a basilica and imposing threatening architecture, is to be called the "Valley of Cuelgamuros" in the future. and may no longer be used for rallies by Franco nostalgics.
The mortal remains of the dictator, which rested behind the altar for 44 years, were reburied in 2019;
The reburial of the fascist leader José Antonio de Rivera will follow soon.
The history of the place as a symbol of repression is to be explained to visitors to the popular excursion destination in the north of Madrid.
At the same time, the right-wing Catholic foundation is dissolved so that the maintenance of the facility can be handed over to the state.
In the long term, the funds are withdrawn from the still lively sentimental Francoism.
The end has also come for the Francisco Franco Foundation, which received state subsidies under the Aznar government in the noughties.
The hatred of right-wing Spain is therefore certain for the socialists.
The broad resistance against the law of Pedro Sánchez's minority government also stems from the fact that it only came about with the votes of the Basque party EH Bildu.
Sánchez made a political concession to the formation, which asked for forgiveness for the murders by ETA only late: Acts of violence from 1978 to 1983 are also being investigated.
This brings into focus the “dirty war” waged by the state terrorist paramilitaries (GAL) who liquidated ETA fighters during the González government.
Former Prime Minister Felipe González and some of his party friends have protested vehemently against the law.
At stake is the interpretation that modern Spain gives to the values of "transición" and its multiple compromises, but also how to deal with the remnants of the ETA ideology.
Significantly, Bildu was absent when the 1997 assassination of PP councilor Miguel Ángel Blanco was commemorated in the Basque town of Ermua eight days ago.
Victims' associations are outraged by Sánchez' deal and deny the government any credibility.
Spanish artists and intellectuals have remarkably little intervened in the debate.
Well-known authors told the FAZ that they had not even read the text of the law.
Here and there resignation in the face of the Spanish belligerence was palpable.
But the declaration on the first pages of the text should be taken seriously: it befits a country in the European Union to define its values, protect democratic institutions and promote historical knowledge.
There are many things that can be argued about;
but forgetting, as it says on page 8, “is not an option in a democracy”.