The "spider web" to hit balls that has cost Puig his strong man

• Azud The two achievers with political pedigree: Barberá's brother-in-law and a socialist lawyer

• Summary An investigation indicates that a plot paid electoral expenses of the PSOE of Valencia to bribe party officials

• Operations The ringleader of the corrupt plot of Valencia associated with the Catholic University to build a hospital

• Resignation The socialist spokesman resigns in the Cortes to exercise the defense of the leader of Azud

A "spider web" perfectly greased with bribes and bites, "hierarchical and lasting over time" to guarantee urban development hits, spread from Valencia to other parts of the

between 2004 and 2011. In the center, the builder

, capable of distributing seven million in commissions to

and

positions and to lawyers, and even stringing together projects with leaders of any party that was an obstacle.

The way to pave the way was to give luxury gifts, cash payments, fictitious or real estate contracts, even defraying certain electoral expenses.

The mechanics of this organization have surfaced when the summary secret of the Azud case was lifted, which led to the prison of the former deputy mayor of Valencia, the popular

, and the deputy delegate of the Government, the socialist

, and which will bring before the judge public officials from other municipalities, officials, two lawyers with "important links and influences" with the PP (Rita Barberá's brother-in-law,

) and the PSOE (

), and more than half a dozen businessmen.

In the plot investigated by the Court of Instruction 13 of Valencia, an entire organization destined to obtain urban adjudications in the years of the construction boom is uncovered.

The ringleader is

, a builder with little public notoriety who will be defended by

, a highly trusted position of

, deputy and spokesman for the PSOE in Parliament... Until yesterday.

He announced that next week he will abandon both responsibilities to return to being a criminal in this case, with pedigree socialists involved.

From the Holy Week Museum to a golf course in Jijona

The origin is in Valencia, where the "economic interest against the public" was imposed, according to the judge.

Febrer achieved this first through Alfonso Grau, who received two million in cash, real estate and luxurious gifts, and later José María Corbín, who had all the operations go through his professional office, billing fictitious works worth more than €600,000.

From the deputy mayor he obtained privileged information in two operations: the extension of

- he received information to buy the houses that the City Council was pursuing, swap them for a plot of land and obtain 300,000 euros of surplus value - and the payment of a municipal debt with

and his partners took over in exchange for land they could choose.

The publicly verbalized suspicion that it was two "punches" was what introduced

, then spokesman for the PSOE in the consistory, into the plot.

Through the lawyer Vera and other positions of the PSOE, the businessman got Rubio to keep silent.

In exchange, according to the investigation, he received 300,000 euros in cash that he kept in a safe and tried to launder with periodic deposits in his accounts.

Regarding the PSOE, the judge points out that he was able to receive payments in the following electoral campaigns.

Corruption not only reached politicians, but also officials.

The manager of the municipal company Actuaciones Urbanas de Valencia (Aumsa),

, recipient of multiple gifts from the builder, who even paid for the hiring of the manager's son in a third company, is being investigated.

The plot needed Masià, and the current Vice President of the Cortes, Jorge Bellver (PP), to set up a mixed company to build VPO, an operation that was cut short due to the suspicion that it would be stopped by the EU.

The construction of a university hospital, the development of the

, in the surroundings of the F-1 Urban Circuit, or the water sanitation and home help contracts were other fixes of the plot with its municipal contacts and the mediation of Corbin.

But, in addition, the network left Valencia to extend to

,

and

.

In the town of Alicante, the interest was to build a PAI with golf courses in the area of ​​El Espartal.

The bite here was taken by the mayor, the popular Rosa María Verdú, and the councilman Francisco Domenech, who conditioned the operation to the acquisition of land that they owned at a price higher than the rest of the sellers.

His profit was half a million euros.

José Luis Vera appears again in this project, the necessary mediator to solve a stumbling block: water scarcity.

The lawyer contacted

, a socialist militant and leader of the state-owned company

to agree and sign an agreement that guaranteed the water from the Mutxamel desalination plant.

The change of municipal government in 2007 paralyzed this PAI.

The well-known lawyer also takes part in the management of the purchase of land in Benicàssim from the

, for whom Vera was a lawyer and, until 2016, general director of the Foundation V Centenario del Nacimiento de Santa Teresa.

He contacted the City Council to exchange those lands for other residential areas for VPO, an operation that never materialized.

But Vera collected from the plot and also from the nuns, who received a donation of 192,000 euros from the businessman.

contacts with all parties

The last consistory was that of

.

The construction of a commercial area was negotiated on some Febrer land that had to be requalified.

With socialists in the government, Vera did not intervene but charged as if she had.

Who did sit down with the plot was the former leader of the old Bloc,

, with whose company Febrer came to sign an intermediation contract with fees of 12.6 million euros, "23% of the value of the requalified plot », collects the UCO.

He did it years after leaving the leadership of the nationalist party, which he left in 2003. That operation did not work either.

How did the plot pay commissions?

To the lawyers, through fictitious contracts with the parent company of the Febrer group,

, and with seven other companies.

The cash left these companies, whose administrators are charged.

Despite being in different provinces, they had a link: the

in Alicante.

There, according to the summary, "5.7 million in cash" were generated that ended up in safes or accounts abroad, as well as as income in the companies of Corbín and Vera.

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