During the recent French presidential elections, France's obsession with Islam continued to disenfranchise voters and undermine the true separation of church and state, authors Emmanuel Degli Espositi and Chris Chaplin of the Research Unit for Religion and Global Society at the London School of Economics say.

And they point out - in their joint article on Al Jazeera English - that the success of right-wing candidate Marine Le Pen in achieving large votes (despite losing the elections) paints a disturbing picture of the future of French politics.

They explain that Le Pen's impulse is partly due to her ability to focus on the cost of living and to recast herself as a moderate nationalist.

But anti-immigrant and anti-Islam attitudes, often disguised as a defense of "French culture," remain a bulwark of its appeal.

Le Pen's popularity shows that divisive rhetoric has a political buzz in France.

However, it is no longer limited to the extreme right.

This year's presidential election saw candidates from across the political spectrum attempt to outdo each other as defenders of secularism (the separation of church and state).

Sometime in 2021, French Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin accused Le Pen of being "tolerant" about Islam.

France's obsession with Islam is based, the authors say, on the notion that the state is secular in nature.

Yet every political statement or government policy that seeks to protect secularism and regulate Islam paradoxically makes state and religion more closely related than ever (the opposite of the goal of secularism).

This not only undermines any real separation between the religious and political spheres, but impedes a serious political dialogue on the rich cultural and religious fabric of France.

Obsession with "political" Islam

Espositi and Chaplin go on to argue that attacks on Islamic "values" have become an accepted mainstay of political discourse under President Sarkozy, who has often framed his anti-Muslim policies as a defense of secularism.

After teacher Samuel Baty was murdered by an Islamic State sympathizer, Macron adopted similar content, cracking down on Islamist civil society organizations, and undermining academic freedom by commissioning a study on the alleged expansion of so-called leftist Islamist ideology in French universities.

While Macron's efforts to curb "religious extremism" may seem logical, according to the authors, they also raise an uncomfortable truth about what is considered entirely French right and what might count as a proper explanation for French society.

As writer Reza Dia Ibrahimi has recorded, secularism is not a fixed set of values, and its push toward the right-wing anti-Islam has occurred gradually over several decades.

However, according to the authors, it was law-abiding Muslims who often felt the real-world consequences.

The latest anti-separatist bill against Islamic "extremism" gives French authorities greater power to interfere in religious associations and limits foreign funding.

Over the past year, there have been a number of cases in which French authorities have used administrative measures to close mosques, schools, places selling Muslim food and even a large anti-discrimination group such as the "anti-Islamophobia rally" in France.

Culture war by any other name

Macron denied that France was in the midst of a "culture war" along the lines of the US or the UK, but the language of secularism points to concern about cultural loss and anti-immigrant sentiment that the European right has been exploiting for decades.

According to the authors, Islamophobia is unfortunately common throughout Europe and the United States, but while Islamophobia is recognized (albeit sometimes disingenuous) by political leaders in most Western countries, French politicians deny the existence of any anti-Muslim stigma.

Instead, "Islamophobia" is seen as a ploy by an "Islamic left" front to silence defenders of French culture.

This double denial silences the debate about France's rich cultural and religious diversity.

Instead, similarity is taken as a basis for belonging, with little regard for the authority and backgrounds of who can determine the moral parameters of such an identity.

Since Muslim immigrants are not recognized on ethnic grounds, discrimination against Muslims is understood as religious criticism rather than cultural exclusion.

Such criticism is defended as a legitimate expression of freedom of expression in a secular society, and those who express unease with the nature of such criticism are categorized as either left-wing Islamist sympathizers or outspoken Islamists.

This leaves little room for French Muslims - whether they practice Islam or not - to truly contribute to political discussions on their own terms.

restore secularism

There is little chance that anti-Islam political sentiment will dissipate any time soon, the authors say with regret, as anti-Islamism is seen as an easy way to win votes, and neither candidate will be willing to diminish their "cultural" credentials.

The authors conclude that in the long run, any real effort to end France's erotic obsession with Islam will require recognizing the diversity of the country's 6 million Muslim citizens and creating truly open spaces in which religion can be discussed without state interference.

Only by doing so can secular idealism be restored from its current right-wing interpretation, and a genuine free debate be initiated.