The Central African Republic is considered one of the poorest African countries, although it has great mineral and animal wealth that has strongly contributed to supporting the economies of other countries.
This may be due to rampant corruption and mismanagement;
Where Central Africa lived through complex and intertwined eras of civil wars of a religious nature and military coups that entrenched oppression, poverty and misery.
Central Africa: the difficult political labor
The social geography of the Central African Republic, which gained independence from France in August 1960, is rich and diverse. Its economy depends on the agricultural sector, which contributes more than half of the GDP, along with forestry and mining, where about 60% of the population lives in remote areas. Timber, diamonds, uranium, gold and cotton are most of the export earnings.
The transition of power in Central Africa poses a major challenge to the stability of the country and has contributed to the complexity of the political and social landscape;
Since its independence from France, governments have changed five times through military coups.
In 2013, the country witnessed a multiple conflict in which the political, the religious and the ethnic were mixed between the forces of the Seleka Alliance and the forces of the Anti-Balaka.
Michel Djotodia
The country witnessed a civil war in the middle of the decade of this third millennium following the rebellion of the Union of Democratic Forces for Unity in the north-east of the country led by Michel Djotodia;
Where the rebel forces took control of several cities during the armed conflict, dozens of people were killed and tens of thousands were displaced due to the unrest;
As mediation efforts did not succeed in implementing the Birao Peace Agreement, as fighting broke out again in December 2012;
As the pace of war accelerated, the country lived in a state of chaos, insecurity and instability, and the war took on a religious dimension. The transitional government headed by Mrs. Catherine Samba contributed to defusing the tension after the resignation of President Michel, thanks to international pressures.
The Russian intervention in Central Africa, its motives and dimensions
The Russian presence on the African continent witnessed a decline after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union;
A number of Russian diplomatic missions and cultural centers in Africa were closed, and aid and economic grant programs were cancelled.
This decline, however, did not last long. After President Vladimir Putin came to power in Moscow in 1999, he brought about radical changes in foreign policy until Russia, the heirs of the Soviet Union, regained its position and influence among the major active and influential powers in international politics.
In this context, the Russian-African Sochi Summit, in September 2019, under the slogan for peace, security and development, announced the new Russian presence.
Military cooperation between Russia and African countries is the backbone of the partnership, and there are a limited number of African countries that have strong military relations with Russia through contracts for the supply of arms and military equipment, as well as through training, consulting, and security and intelligence cooperation agreements.
Africa is the second largest importer of Russian weapons after Asia, and the most important of these countries are: "Algeria, Nigeria, Angola, Sudan, Cameroon, Senegal, and Mozambique."
Africa means a lot to Russia as it is an important source of natural resources “oil, gas, minerals, timber and livestock”.
Russia's presence in the Central African Republic began in 2017 when newly elected President Faustin-Archange appealed to the UN Security Council to lift the arms embargo on his country so that the government could import weapons and military equipment to defend itself and protect civilians.
Faustin was betting on France, which made a proposal to send 1,400 AK-47s seized by the French navy during an anti-piracy operation off the coast of Somalia, but Russia vetoed the French idea, arguing that the weapons confiscated during the arms embargo could not be used. and directing it for other purposes.
Moscow instead offered to donate light weapons to the Central African Republic, a proposal that was approved by all members of the UN Security Council.
Russian President Vladimir Putin shakes hands with Central African Republic President Faustin-Archange Touadera during a meeting on both sides of the Russia-Africa Summit in Sochi, Russia October 23, 2019.
What began with a limited Russian donation of light weapons quickly turned into an effective security presence, after Moscow sent 170 civilian trainers and five military personnel on a security mission under the false guise of guarding construction materials and hospitals that Russia is constructing there.
It later turned out that the civilians were elite Russian mercenary forces of the Sera Security Services and Wagner groups, which are run by businessman Yevgeny Prigozhin, who is close to Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Most of these Russian coaches resided in the deserted Beringo Palace formerly occupied by Emperor Busaka, 35 miles from the capital, Bangui.
Within a short period of time, the Russians took control of all important security missions in Central Africa, including guarding President Faustin-Archange.
And in a move that reflects the extent of cooperation between Moscow and Bangui, the Russian Valery Zakharov, a former intelligence officer, was appointed to the position of National Security Adviser to President Faustin Archangel.
The relationship culminated in August 2018;
The two countries signed a military cooperation agreement and allowed the opening of an office to represent the Russian Defense Ministry in Bangui, and the Central African President announced that his country is considering allowing the establishment of a military base on its territory, as well as Russia's control of large areas that included diamond, gold and uranium mines.
To counter Russian advances in the Central African Republic, France withdrew part of its military staff, froze its €10 million aid and suspended bilateral military cooperation amid accusations that Faustin-Archange's government was complicit in a Russian-led anti-French campaign.
The Russian presence went beyond the military form, but France expressed its concern about Russian influence and the dominance of Russian companies over gold and diamonds, as well as human rights violations "mass executions and torture" by Russian forces.
The Central African Republic is an important lever of the French economy, where many French companies are active in investing in many fields, especially in the field of mining "diamonds, gold and copper" and also working in the transfer of uranium from the south of the country to France. The only loser in the French-Russian conflict is The people of Central Africa as their homeland turned into a platform for the proxy movement to expand the geopolitical influence represented by the political and economic motives associated with the control of natural resources and minerals.
The Kremlin relied on Central Africa as a gateway to penetration and the popularization of influence;
Where it can be said that Moscow succeeded in weakening the French influence, the historically dominant colonial power, and within a short period of time Central Africa became a model for export with extracting the advantages of the French role in the fields of training the army, the presidential guard, the security of institutions, and mines of gold, diamonds, platinum and chromium, in return for a share of Income and economic benefits.
And Russian military cooperation is not limited to the official and systemic dimension, as it was revealed that Wagner mercenaries were sent, as they rely on the strategy of providing weapons and military equipment and transferring them discreetly away from the eyes of human rights bodies, deepening internal conflicts, using methods and techniques of cyber warfare, and Russia’s reliance on Wagner mercenaries as a spearhead for its influence. in Central Africa to prevent direct responsibility or liability for what Wagner does.
The effects of the Russian expansion in Central Africa
Russia continued to strengthen its influence in various fields and levels in the Central African Republic;
Where it intervened in the enactment of legislation to ensure its interests and strategy that contradict the requirements of international donors and international institutions.
Central Africa has found itself facing the European Union, the United States of America, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
Russia also played an important role in finding a new approach and formula for concluding a peace agreement between the government in Bangui led by Faustin-Archange and the rebel groups;
The Russians were able to persuade the Central African government and the rebel groups to negotiate and sign the Khartoum Peace Agreement in order to settle the conflicts.
Central African Republic President Faustin-Archange Touadera (left) watches Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir sign a peace agreement between the Central African Republic government and 14 armed groups 2019.
The Sudanese government has played an important and effective role in converging the points of view between the parties in Central Africa.
The first meeting between the Faustin-Archange government and the 14 rebel groups was held in Khartoum in February 2019.
The most important outcomes of the discussions were the ceasefire and freedom of movement and movement of individuals and commercial goods throughout the country, then a national unity government was formed that included all the rebel and armed groups, and the reintegration of the armed groups into the national army.
The government started implementing the Khartoum Peace Agreement and consulting with the signatory groups on the possibility of holding elections on time.
In the other direction, the non-signatory groups to the peace agreement became involved: the “Popular Front for the Revival of Central Africa” led by Noureddine Adam, the Central African People’s Democratic Front led by Abdoulaye Miskeen, the Union for Peace Movement led by Ali Darsa, the Movement for Return and Reform led by Siddiqui Abbas, and the National Movement led by Muhammad al-Khatim, prepared an alternative plan to overthrow the government and take control of the capital, Bangui, through two axes: the first in the northeast led by Miskeen, and the second in the west led by Seddiqi.
But soon the plans of the armed groups close to Paris failed.
With the approach of the constitutional entitlement represented by the elections in 2020, the country entered into a modern crisis, as the political forces divided into two groups: a group led by President Faustin Archangel, who stressed the need to hold the elections on time in order to avoid a constitutional vacuum that would contribute to impeding the achievement of security and stability, and a group led by the Speaker of Parliament. Abdul Karim Mikaswa calls for the elections to be postponed due to the lack of security and the lack of government control over large areas of the country. However, the government rejected the proposal and insisted on holding the elections on time.
In response to the government's insistence, former President François Posiriers declared his rebellion and created an alliance called the National Alliance for Change in December 2020.
The coalition included factions from the Seleka and Anti-Balaka, so battles were renewed between the coalition and the government, and the government used its partners, "the Russian, Rwandan, Congolese and Minusca forces" to restore some of the cities that had fallen and to break the siege of the capital, Bangui.
Legislative elections were held in the Central African Republic, on December 27, 2020, during which Faustin-Archange, whose government controls a third of the country, managed to win a second presidential term after receiving 53% of the vote.
Then the equation changed rapidly, as the new government, with Russian support, regained control of the majority of the national territory, and the scope of the armed opposition’s presence receded in limited and small areas near the borders of Sudan, Chad and South Sudan;
This necessitated the closure of the Sudanese borders to armed groups, on January 26, 2022, as well as a wave of asylum seekers to the Republic of Sudan.
The future of the Russian presence in Africa
International competition between the West and Russia will make African countries an arena for settling scores and political rivalries between Russia and China on one side, and the United States of America and France on the other.
This international scramble may cause the African countries to split into multipolar axes, which will increase the pace of armaments and armaments among the competing African countries that support the projects of the great powers.
This was demonstrated by the Russian-Ukrainian crisis when the United Nations General Assembly voted on March 2, 2022, after the UN Security Council failed to pass a resolution condemning the Russian invasion of Ukraine;
As the African countries were divided, Egypt, Kenya, Ghana, Gabon, Rwanda, Djibouti, Congo, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo voted in favor of the condemnation resolution, while 17 African countries abstained, including:
Burundi, Senegal, South Sudan, South Africa, Uganda, Mali, Mozambique, Ethiopia, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Togo, Morocco and Sudan, and Eritrea voted against the resolution.
The position of African countries on the Ukrainian crisis recently reflects the extent of polarization, which negatively affects economic and development indicators.
The nature of the political systems in African countries, regional and international transformations, and international competition on the African continent will contribute to the growth of Russian influence in Africa, because the Russian Federation is an influential country in international politics as a permanent member of the UN Security Council and the use of the veto (veto) in the interest of its allies is the advantage that makes it relevant Importance for some African countries, especially those subject to Western sanctions "Sudan, Eritrea", or those that need some forms of political and diplomatic support to confront French influence in the Francophone countries "Central Africa, Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Congo", or those that need some forms Military and security support to counter the growing activity of jihadist movements "Mozambique, Mali, Congo, Burkina Faso".
Conclusion
Russia’s dealings with African countries is completely different from Western dealings. There are no requirements related to human rights and the achievement of democracy and the resettlement of freedoms by the Russian side in exchange for armaments and military cooperation, and this opened the door wide for more strategic partnerships between Moscow and Bangui.
Russia’s strategy relies on multifaceted formulas, including: an official presence by the Russian Ministry of Defense that is relatively committed to international law and covenants, with another semi-official presence represented by the Wagner Group concerned with military resolution.
Wagner contributed to the decline and decline of the activities of the armed opposition that controlled most of the country even parts of the capital, Bangui.
On the other hand, after the outbreak of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the emergence of some reports that talk about the withdrawal of some Wagner elements from Central Africa and push them to carry out special combat missions in Kyiv, it has become possible that this absence will not affect the regime of President Faustin-Archange, due to the fact that the opposition The armed forces are divided against themselves, in addition to the lack of regional and international bodies to provide them with support and assistance.
The model presented by Russia in Central Africa will motivate many authoritarian African regimes to cooperate with the Russians, especially with the semi-official side, ie the Wagner Group.
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This report is taken from Al Jazeera Center for Studies.