In the initial shock at the start of the "special military operation" against Ukraine, critical words were also spoken by Russians, who are otherwise not exactly critical.

So from some Duma deputies of the pseudo-oppositional Communist Party.

They were bothered by the fact that President Vladimir Putin not only, as the Duma had suggested, recognized the “people's republics” in the Donbass as states and thus placed them under Russia's “protection”, but also, among other things, bombed Kyiv.

Frederick Smith

Political correspondent for Russia and the CIS in Moscow.

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But there was no strength in the House of Commons from the isolated criticism, and when it came time on Friday morning to pass a bill that would provide draconian penalties for “fakes” about the Russian armed forces, all 401 MPs present officially voted in favor, without abstentions, without dissenting votes.

So far, Putin hasn't heard any too loud objections from society either.

There are daily demonstrations against the war in dozens of cities;

Thousands of Russians have been arrested.

Musicians, directors, influencers, scientists oppose the "special operation", petitions are signed.

But the security forces ensure that no movement develops from such “traitors” – as Putin's politicians call opponents of the war.

Website after website is being censored or blocked, media is being shut down, social media is being throttled, presumably so videos of Russian soldiers killed and captured in Ukraine can't load and reach more people in Russia.

War opponents who dare to demonstrate despite everything are now being threatened with imprisonment for years as “extremists”.

Many Russians believe Putin's 'neo-Nazis' tale

It is not only repression that keeps resistance to Putin's war small.

Many Russians also believe at least one of the various narratives that Putin and his power and media apparatus are spreading about Ukraine, according to which "neo-Nazis", "nationalists", "fascists" took the peaceful "fraternal people" as "hostages" there, and on behalf of Western powers, which used Ukraine as a "tool" against Russia.

It is questionable whether it is really 68 percent who, according to the Kremlin-related survey institute WZIOM, should support the "special operation" - and 22 percent against it;

other sociologists see a division in society.

Is the elite also divided?

Anonymous statements from government circles testify to fear, great uncertainty, and powerlessness.

Most of the civil servants that Russian journalists can talk to deal with financial and economic policy, i.e. with cushioning the consequences of Western sanctions for Russia.

The functionaries from this "bloc" are, however, the natural opponents of the "siloviki" - the security forces, investigators and secret service agents - and have seen their influence waning for years;

to them, the fate of former “system-liberal” colleagues who have been imprisoned, such as former economic development minister Alexei Ulyukayev, seems like a constant warning.

But when Putin summons his government to report, all the Prime Minister and his people can say is that everything is prepared, Russia is strong, and the opponents would only cut themselves in the flesh with the punitive measures.

Anything else would be seen as defeatism, as treason.

Withdrawals or terminations are also excluded.