Leafing through the coalition agreement is like reading an antique.

He's not even three months old.

Outdated, obsolete, changed, questionable, irrelevant, these are the keywords that go with almost every chapter.

Nobody, least of all the traffic light coalition, could have imagined what “daring progress” could mean.

Even the pandemic and climate protection have faded in the face of the force of world events.

However, the government has already shown that it is capable of daring.

That demands respect and recognition.

Olaf Scholz took a big risk.

The decision to massively upgrade the Bundeswehr was apparently made without consulting the party and parliamentary group.

The previous about-face, to deliver not only helmets but weapons to Ukraine and to participate in the toughest sanctions against Russia, did not happen on the initiative of his party, but was decided overnight in a small circle.

Scholz is not the first SPD chancellor to find himself in such a situation.

On issues of war and peace, they all ruled without or against their party, not with it.

It would indeed be a turning point if the relationship between the chancellor and the SPD emerged unscathed.

The party and parliamentary group were and are too inspired by the idea of ​​being able to stay out of all armed conflicts and confine themselves to neutral diplomacy.

The shock and disappointment that this attitude has turned out to be outdated, negligent and sectarian will sooner or later be discharged - not necessarily in the interests of the coalition and in favor of the chancellor.

The SPD should be appeased

But Scholz has taken precautions.

Financing the strengthening of the Bundeswehr through a special fund secures the priorities of the SPD.

Because the hundred billion euros should not be saved anywhere and thus not disturb the socio-political benefits of the budget.

The debt brake will be circumvented a second time after the Corona fund has been converted into a climate fund.

As long as it stays that way, the SPD should be appeased.

Is it just as easy for the Greens?

The parliamentary group has already signaled that the Bundeswehr billions will not leave the Bundestag the way they came in.

In their ranks, too, development, environmental and social policy is considered to be the better security policy.

There is still a long way to go before an agreement is reached on how the special fund will be invested, whether it should only benefit the Bundeswehr.

What is even more dramatic for the Greens is that in the "new world" in which they woke up, climate protection is no longer the top priority.

Robert Habeck admitted this with admirable frankness.

After all, peace and freedom are more important and at least as difficult to guarantee as a policy towards climate neutrality.

Coal better than nuclear?

Although Habeck does not want to allow the "taboos of thought" of the past, ideological reflexes report back here very quickly. The glowing core of the Greens, the strict anti-nuclear attitude, Habeck also threatens to burn his fingers.

All sorts of arguments are now being put forward to declare an extension of the service life of three nuclear power plants to be impossible or even dangerous.

The Greens are more likely to accept that their climate protection minister is temporarily rehabilitating coal-fired power plants in the fight against Russian gas.

Coal yes please, nuclear power no thanks?

In terms of climate policy, this is even more absurd than the move to gas that failed because of Putin, but it saves the green gazebo.

The CDU/CSU is now in government

The CDU/CSU will have no choice but to shake hands with the U-turn coalition.

A new security policy, a revised foreign policy, a corrected energy policy, and in general: clear leadership - wasn't that all that the critics of the Merkel era in the CDU urgently wanted?

The Union also has the opportunity to make government policy subject to reservations and to push through its own ideas.

After all, Scholz needs your approval, at least for an amendment to the Basic Law that secures the special fund.

But Friedrich Merz has already made it clear what the turning point actually means for him.

Pulling the chestnuts out of the fire, but having to watch the government burden future generations with its benevolence, that will not happen with him.

That was a hidden warning to Scholz that the force of world events had shifted the Greens and the FDP towards the Union and had not tied them even more tightly to the SPD.

In this respect, too, the coalition agreement dates back to the good old days.