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The express negotiation within the opposition sought a last-minute cordial agreement between its different blocs on Monday before the momentous vote in the extraordinary session of the National Assembly (AN) in 2015.

Something similar to a unanimous agreement that did not violate the constitutional limits

and that caused the delay of the plenary session when time has already run over the deputies: January 5 is the day that the Magna Carta marks to elect or renew the parliamentary president.

"We are very close to achieving a unanimous vote with adjustments to the text and in a manner that is in line with the Constitution,"

one of the negotiators in full tug of war for the drafting of the transition statute and the reform of the law told EL MUNDO for the fund for the liberation of Venezuela and attention to life-threatening cases.

In the first vote at the end of the year, with which the presidency in charge and Juan Guaidó were officially continued, the four most important parties (which make up the so-called G-4) voted together, despite serious internal discrepancies.

Only the deputy Sergio Vergara, of Voluntad Popular (VP), saved his vote (abstention) before what he considered would limit the presidential functions.

The same was expressed by smaller parties, such as La Causa Radical and Encuentro Ciudadano, led by Delsa Solórzano. On the other hand, the deputies gathered around the radical leader María Corina Machado ended the presidency in charge.

Facing the second vote, in which it is necessary to decide point by point how this 2022 will be governed, the pressures exerted from different internal and external fronts would have forced the strategy of those who contradict Guaidó, determined to limit their powers as much as possible as chairman in charge.

"It is common sense to maintain the interim government and the president in charge Juan Guaidó with all his powers. Tying him hand and foot as proposed by Borges and Capriles is true nonsense and political nonsense.

Maduro could use very well if this absurdity were to materialize "said Andrés Velásquez, leader of La Causa Radical, one of the parties that supports the interim president.

This vote seeks to end the internal war unleashed in the opposition.

The big question is how long the truce will last

if it is finally achieved, with the repeated elections in Barinas, the cradle of the revolution, just around the corner next Sunday and with the negotiation process in Mexico torpedoed by Maduro.

Chavismo has turned to the State apparatus in support of former Minister Jorge Arreaza, Hugo Chávez's son-in-law, after the defeat suffered in December by Argenis Chávez, brother of the "supreme commander" and the one chosen by the family to prolong the 23 years in charge. of the llanera region.

The first objective of the anti-Guaidó front, led by former foreign minister Julio Borges, former presidential candidate Henrique Capriles and deputy Stalin González, was the disappearance of the presidency in charge.

This was announced by Borges, national coordinator of Primero Justicia (PJ), when he ceased as chancellor of the interim government, which caused

joy in the Miraflores Palace, which continues to see Guaidó as its main enemy.

The support of the US, the VP, several small parties and deputies from the rest of the large ones, as well as a good part of the civil society platform that faces Maduro, made the maneuver impossible.

"May 2022 be a year of reunification and of meeting again in the streets to fight,"

claimed Guaidó in his end-of-year speech, who also applauded the continuity of the AN and the interim government as "last bastions of the institutionality." against the Bolivarian revolution.

It was a half-baked celebration, because behind the scenes the struggle continued ahead of this Monday's extraordinary session, which is several hours late.

The second battle for the vote continued because each of the points of the presidential competitions still had to be elucidated.

The pro-Guaidó bloc's thesis is based on the fact that the challenge against the revolution and the struggle to achieve democracy is only possible with the constitutional continuity of the government in charge.

This is indicated in article 233 of the Magna Carta, always in the version of the forces in favor of the presidency in charge.

Several important constitutional experts in the country concluded that reducing his executive powers to Guaidó, as Borges and Capriles claim, is unconstitutional.

"It would be a violation of the Constitution and would ruin the advances in the support of the international community,

the protection of the nation's assets and the processes before the international justice bodies," summarized the deputy Olivia Lozano.

"While the misery and forced exodus of Venezuelans continue, the kidnapping of human, civil and political rights, of justice and peace, the government in charge of Juan Guaidó, responsible by constitutional mandate to restore democracy and peace, must continue. republican order, "said Orlando Viera-Blanco, ambassador of the interim government in Canada, a country that makes up the group of allies of the Venezuelan democratic Parliament.

On the anti-Guaidó side, on the other hand, his proposal is justified by the

corruption scandals that have surrounded part of the execution of his interim government,

especially with the petrochemical company Monómeros, intervened in Colombia.

It is one of the subsidiaries of the state-owned Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA).

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