Two events of this year, in which America played the (tragic) main role, will certainly be remembered: the storming of the Capitol on January 6th and the hasty withdrawal of the remaining American troops - and thus also the NATO partners - from Afghanistan.

The coup attempt by fanatical supporters of Donald Trump was the shocking low point of the defamation and discrediting campaign of the elected president.

Since then, an unbelieving world has been wondering whether the American republic will be able to tame party-political extremism and political-cultural polarization.

The message of President Joe Biden's “Summit of Democracies” recently was also inwardly directed.

The withdrawal from Afghanistan came as no surprise, the strategic reorientation was well known.

But the execution and the fact that allies were not in the picture shattered America's credibility and reliability.

How relieved the partners were after Biden's election victory, how delighted when he announced “America is back” - there remain doubts as to what this promise is really worth.

“America first” as the leitmotif of foreign policy

For just as Trumpism is not over, so is foreign policy self-inspection also not over. Many Americans want their government to deal with problems on the ground rather than those in distant parts of the world. Above all, it is Republicans who think that way and see “America first” as the leitmotif for foreign and security policy, not to mention world trade. Quite a few democratic voters think so too, of course.

Are worries about America's democratic resilience and doubts about its reliability exaggerated?

At least they are widespread.

Despite Biden's entry into the White House, the assumption that one can no longer fully count on the United States, despite all oaths of allegiance to alliance politics, has not become irrelevant.

Last but not least, doubts gnaw those whose security depends on American guarantees.

The general geopolitical and security-political weather situation is such that an America that is fully occupied with itself and sends this and now that signal is the last thing the West needs;

yes, what all need who do not see Russian aggression and Chinese expansionism as a fortunate coincidence.

Russia is openly threatening Ukraine militarily, China is threatening Taiwan and is letting the machinery of nationalism and repression run at full speed.

Americans and Europeans form opposing coalitions, looking for credible, daunting answers.

The rivalry between the great powers has reached dangerous levels.

Russian attempts at division and humiliation

Europe does not want to be crushed in the dispute between America and China. But when the going gets tough, it cannot side with the communist dictatorship. Of course, Europe is not looking for a military confrontation with Putin's Russia either. But how will it react if the Kremlin ruler, moved by post-Soviet fantasies, carries out his threats against Ukraine? It should go without saying that Eastern European members of NATO and the EU can rely on the solidarity of their Western European and North American partners.

Europe's suffering is the lack of capacity to act.

The EU wants to change that.

In relation to China, she no longer wants to be naive, but rather to act strategically.

Good this way.

It just has to position itself accordingly and not divide itself apart.

A strong and self-confident actor who gives a lot to his normative endowment should not accept Russian attempts at division and humiliation.

You don't have to pay back with the same coin, but you have to react much more resolutely when Russia contravenes European values ​​and interests and throws the European order overboard.

In their troubled neighborhood, the EU is the power of order.

It is their job to stabilize them;

otherwise the instabilities collapse over her.

A strong Europe - the mantra has been heard many times.

It is correct: in a world of great powers, swirling unpredictability and a regulatory recession, there is no other way.

That is why Germany, the anchor country in the middle, must pursue a European policy that strengthens the continent - a Europe that is taken seriously, is capable of acting and has proven itself in crises.

And that doesn't immediately turn to America when dark clouds come up.

Because the look could not be returned more often in the future.