Although they are convinced that it will not bring quick change
Lebanese reformists are replacing the streets with ballot boxes
Tens of thousands of Lebanese are rising up against corruption and economic collapse and are demanding accountability and social rights.
dad
The terrifying Beirut explosion reinforced the uprising of the Lebanese people against their government.
AFP
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For several months, Lebanese protesters remained in the streets, after the outbreak of the uprising in October 2019, when tens of thousands demonstrated against corruption and economic collapse and demanded accountability and social rights.
Now they are concentrating their efforts not on street barricades but on the ballot box, hoping to weed out a political elite rooted in power in next year's elections.
But the protesters face significant obstacles, the most important of which is the corrupt, sectarian, and refusing to reform power-sharing system.
They also oppose the militia that controls all levers of power in Lebanon.
However, a new generation of political activists hopes to take advantage of the increase in public interest in Lebanon's political situation over the past two years, to make it a more democratic country.
The group of activists known as “Popular” was formed in the 2019 uprising, and then strengthened following the explosion of the Port of Beirut that occurred last summer, and it is the largest of the new activist groups in Lebanon.
Mia Atwi, a 34-year-old Lebanese psychologist, co-founded the Empress organization, the only hotline in Lebanon to prevent suicide, and joined the "Manshahr" party, months after the outbreak of the uprising.
An important turning point for the Munsharif party came on the eve of the Beirut explosion in August 2020, when the party's protesting activists were attacked and shot by police and security forces, prompting the group to turn to the "liberal" progressive party as it is now.
"We realized that members of the political class and the ruling class are ready to do anything to stay in power," said Atwi, who will run for the parliamentary elections, represented by the "Montshereen" group for Beirut constituency next March.
Difficulty changing
But even if Atwi and the new independent candidates win this election, it will not bring immediate change.
The biggest problem they will face is that Lebanon is not an entirely sovereign country.
Real reform cannot develop as long as foreign interference in the country, especially Iranian support for Hezbollah, continues.
Since after the end of the Syrian presence in Lebanon in 2005, Hezbollah tightened its grip on the state.
Hezbollah has greater authority in the areas under the control of the coalition known as "8 March".
He has a long history of refusing to appoint a prime minister if he is not biased towards him, in addition to procrastinating in forming new governments, or undermining existing ones.
But the most important way in which Hezbollah controls politics is through violence and assassinations.
Among the victims of the assassinations was Muhammad Chatah, a foreign policy advisor to then-Prime Minister Saad Hariri in 2013, and the father of Roni Chatah, a Lebanese political commentator and writer.
A few days before his murder, he sent a letter to Parliament asking Iran to reconsider its support for Hezbollah, in order to make way for Lebanon's reform.
"During the past 16 years, many Lebanese have been calling for reforms in Lebanon. They are economists, journalists, diplomats, and everyone who wanted the government and society to succeed was killed," said Roni Chatah.
So the question remains: How do you expect the people to do more?
Things are getting worse
Despite the emergence of many protest movements and more reformists in Lebanese history, the economic and political situation is constantly worsening.
Chatah says there are reasons to be skeptical about what the new generation of activists can do.
"Maybe it is a recurring story, and it has nothing to do with internal divisions in Lebanon, but rather with the region as a whole, and it is beyond the power of any activist," he added.
But these internal divisions are real.
Following Lebanon's independence from France in 1943, political power was distributed to a sectarian system, and parliament seats were distributed according to religious quotas.
These sectarian arrangements were amplified following the end of the civil war in 1990, when these arrangements required that all public institutions in Lebanon have certain numbers of Christians, Druze, Shiites, and Sunni Muslims.
The Lebanese entered the owners of these institutions through their sectarian division, and not through an effective government, while the leaders of these sects obtained private ministries for themselves.
Since the end of the civil war in particular, Lebanon has faced a dead end and the men of power have remained in their places without change. The former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri served two terms in his position, as well as his son Saad, who remained twice, and the current Prime Minister Najib Mikati worked in this position for three times, because These people cling to power and do not allow new faces to come.
Atwi hopes that the young "Montashreen" party, most of whose members are less than 40 years old, will be able to break this barrier.
"The upcoming elections will be our historic opportunity for new faces to enter the world of politics," Atwi said.
The role of the diaspora
Another great opportunity is the Lebanese diaspora. Since the worsening of the economic crisis at the end of 2019 and the devastating Beirut bombing, it is estimated that between 200,000 and 300,000 citizens have left Lebanon, but not Lebanese politicians. The number of Lebanese in the diaspora who registered to participate in the elections next year is 244442 people, which is a big jump from the previous number, which was 93,000 who were registered in the 2018 elections. Of course, the people who lost everything, including their homes during the previous two years, will vote angry, of course . Diaspora voting is important in a different way, as voting from outside the country is free from “nepotism” networks, which usually restrict voters with their parties in Lebanon. Usually, traditional political parties weaken the state in order to monopolize basic services, and when the elections are over, they begin to reward their voters.
Diana Menham, the managing director of Kulluna Irada, an activist political group trying to raise awareness, says social services should be provided by the government, not sectarian networks.
This group partnered with emerging political groups such as Muntashir, and provided support to groups facing the political class, provided that the six political parties in power were opposed.
In any case, the economic crisis in Lebanon is now weakening patronage networks.
As a result of weak purchasing power, it has become difficult for political parties to provide social services and job opportunities in exchange for support.
"Even with the relationships they enjoy, their political parties are no longer able to provide the services they used to provide them before the crisis," Atwi said.
Given all the challenges facing reform in Lebanon, Atwi and Menham realize the importance of forming a united opposition and the largest possible coalition to change the parliament's dynamic, even if Hezbollah has the last word.
"No matter who will be in parliament and who will rule the country, there are red lines that they cannot cross," said Roni Chatah.
And when something is considered a problem for Hezbollah, it works to undermine the government to get rid of it.” Hezbollah does this by asking its members and allies to resign from Parliament, collectively, if its coalition constitutes a majority, as it did in 2011, after the nations The United States condemned Hezbollah suspects in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
Atwi and reform activists hope to see Lebanon free from foreign interference with a functioning government.
They view the upcoming elections as the first step, but not the last.
“There will not be any expectations of radical changes in the near future, given that the reformists are fighting a 40-year-old regime,” Atwi said. We begin to reap the fruits of what we have sown today.”
• Diaspora voting is important in a different way, as voting from outside the country is free from “nepotism” networks, which usually restrict voters with their parties in Lebanon.
• Since the end of the civil war in particular, Lebanon has faced a dead end and the men of power have remained in their places without change, as the former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri served two terms, and his son Saad stayed twice, and the current Prime Minister Najib Mikati held this position three times, because they cling to power. They do not allow the arrival of new faces.
• The economic crisis in Lebanon is now weakening patronage networks. As a result of weak purchasing power, it has become difficult for political parties to provide social services and job opportunities in exchange for support.
• Despite the emergence of many protest movements and more reformists in Lebanese history, the economic and political situation is constantly getting worse.
Tessa Fox: Freelance journalist, photographer, and director.
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