"They killed a free voice, a nationalist," said Ali Al-Wazni, who came to meditate at the grave of his brother Ihab, forty days after his death. Ihab Al-Wazni was assassinated on May 9, 2021 in front of his home, driving his car. He was one of the most respected figures of the protest in Kerbala, a Shiite holy city located about a hundred kilometers south of Baghdad. "He only wanted a life of dignity for his people, to improve people's lives. And also to unveil the truth about these parties and these militias. These militias who have been killing the Iraqi people for years and wanting to steal their wealth."
These blunt accusations have become commonplace in a country where armed factions are more powerful than ever. Iraqi justice has not passed any condemnation in this case, and Ihab's mother is enraged: "If justice cannot do its duty, then it is useless".
Dozens of activists have been murdered in cold blood for two years. They were the leaders of the "October Revolution", a popular uprising of unprecedented magnitude, which set Baghdad and all the major cities of southern Iraq ablaze from the fall of 2019. Galloping unemployment, the widespread corruption and the decay of public services have become unsustainable for a large part of the population. Huge demonstrations are organized to demand major reforms and a change of government. The protesters also denounce the supervision of confessional parties and their armed factions. Many will pay for this commitment with their lives.
"A militia sent me an emissary, who told me that if I returned home, I would be killed," said Hussein Al-Ghorabi. "It's hard to say their names, because if I do, I think I'll die
.
"
This activist fled Nassiriya, a city in the south which was for a long time the epicenter of the protest. An essential face of the movement, today he leads the life of a hunted man. Hussein Al-Ghorabi nevertheless dreams of a political destiny which would allow him to defend the ideas of the "October revolution". "I have a moral duty after the sacrifice of those who died during the revolution, I must carry their voice", he proclaims.
"The suffering afflicting the predominantly Shiite cities of the south is the same as it was in Saddam Hussein's time. There is no social justice, no infrastructure, no work. All of this has caused the streets to rise up. , that's the 'October revolution'. "
A threat to Iran's regional power
It is in this deprived south that the militias recruited en masse to fight the Islamic State group. Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the highest Shiite authority in Iraq, called for taking up arms against the jihadists in 2014. These groups then experienced an unprecedented rise in power, with the help of neighboring Iran. Like all protesters, Hussein Al-Ghorabi today accuses these same armed factions of wanting to assassinate the "October revolution": "We are cities that they claim to defend, but unfortunately they have turned their weapons and their silencers against us. They think that the Iraqi state we dream of represents their demise, the end of the militias. "
The targeted killings are part of a systematic campaign of violence that dates back to the early days of the protest movement. "Between October 1 and December 31, 2019, there were 600 dead, that's not nothing! 600 dead, 21,000 injured, 29,000 incarcerated! The degree of repression was terrible"
,
vehemently recalls Adel Bakawan , director of the French Center for Research on Iraq. The security forces today accept some responsibility. But armed groups are also accused of targeting protesters in murderous illegal actions. Even former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi admits: "Forces more powerful than the state did not want to hear these voices and suppressed the protests."
A key figure is regularly referred to as the mastermind of the repression during the first months of the protest: Iranian General Qassem Soleimani, commander of the elite forces of the Revolutionary Guards. Before his elimination in January 2020 by an American drone fire, he visited Iraq regularly. "Qassem Soleimani himself had set up a committee," says Adel Bakawan. "Of course, he didn't call it a repression committee. It was a stability and security committee, something of that nature, and Soleimani himself was developing the daily repression program."
"These young people, these demonstrations, are an attack on their influence. It is a threat to the regional power that Iran wishes to play. And therefore, they must be silenced"
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adds Agnès Callamard, secretary general of 'Amnesty International.
Faced with increasing violence, the demonstrators openly accuse their powerful neighbor and the militias close to Tehran.
Iranian diplomatic representations are targeted in several cities in the south.
The omnipotence of the paramilitary groups
The death of Qassem Soleimani does not end the repression.
The armed groups are closing ranks and even the powerful Moqtada Al-Sadr, a claimed nationalist, is quickly calling for an end to the protest movement.
However, his men are primarily responsible for protecting the gatherings.
But the clashes are increasing, and in February 2020, the Sadrists are accused of having killed several demonstrators in the holy city of Nadjaf.
By denouncing the hold of the armed factions, the "October Revolution" came up against the very foundations of the new Iraqi state.
After 2003, the confessional system gave a preponderant place to the Shiites, persecuted under Saddam Hussein.
The leaders of this community have since turned their paramilitary groups into all-powerful actors, often with help from Iran.
Two years after its outbreak, the popular uprising ran out of steam.
Fear is still gaining ground, and the assassinations continue.
The son of Fatima Al-Bahadili, a well-known activist from Basra, was shot dead at the end of July 2021. Once again after repeated threats from militiamen.
Jonathan Walsh presents the documentary
05:55
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