This is a strange dichotomy: in many European countries, support for a German leadership role in the EU increased during the Merkel years.

One can still remember the exclamation of the then Polish Foreign Minister Sikorski in 2011 that he did not fear Germany that was leading the way in the EU, but one that would remain passive.

On the other hand, according to a survey by the European Council on Foreign Relations, Germans are pessimistic about their country and its position in the world.

Even more: a majority believes that the “golden days” are over.

The two sides of this opinion do not directly contradict each other.

But while the Europeans continue to expect strong leadership from Germany in the future, the pessimism of many Germans tends to speak in favor of the wish that politics should deal with the problems “at home”.

However, it could also be interpreted as follows: When looking “outside”, many realize that traditional security systems no longer provide stability, old beliefs are outdated, the world is uncomfortable and extremely competitive.

Germany is not adequately equipped, either politically or mentally, for this world, in which the balance of power is shifting and the “balance of power” is back in focus.

Much is therefore in store for the future federal government.

Germany does not want a new cold war

In addition to the relationship with Russia, which is making great strides towards the Putin dictatorship, there is also the relationship with China. The communist-ruled country is a competitor, rival, opponent, partner - all together. China poses the greatest geopolitical and economic-technological challenge; the competition is systemic in nature. That is, it is fundamental in terms of political order, rules, values. The German economy is of course closely linked to the Chinese one. It is therefore not surprising that both business and politics think little of blooming and decoupling.

Germany does not want to be pushed into a new cold war. But it is not possible to pretend that one's own economic interests can be neatly separated from the overarching system conflict, the pursuit of economic dominance and the aggressive representation of China's interests. Germany must take a stand - and this position is at the side of its western partners. The excitement surrounding the American-Australian-British security pact shows that this can be uncomfortable and one can get caught up in the chair.

This alliance and the experience in Afghanistan have once again raised doubts about the reliability and predictability of the United States.

It is simply not the case that after the departure of the “America first” trumpeter Trump, “everything would be fine” again, as it used to be.

Even in the past, “everything was not always good”.

The relationship went through phases in which it crashed and worried contemporaries worried about growing alienation.

Today America is rearranging itself, focusing on its competitor China.

Europe comes after.

Regardless of the importance of NATO, it should largely take care of its own security and stability.

Germany must also take on this task.

Excuses do not apply, alliance obligations apply!

Close coordination with France is necessary

Last but not least, it depends on close coordination with France. The classic of European unification remains correct. This collaboration is not exclusive; Berlin and Paris are not authorized to issue instructions. But given the strong centrifugal forces and diverse interests in the EU, majorities can only be organized on the basis of Franco-German consensus. The eyes will be on Germany: Whether it is about defending against Russian attempts at division and blackmail, about cohesion and the ability of the EU to act - it will often depend on Germany! The future of the EU depends to a large extent on its most populous and economically strongest member living up to its responsibilities.

The EU has given itself a “strategic compass”.

The post-Merkel government also needs one to navigate the Germans safely and safely through confusing, difficult terrain.

Germany will have to look outwards more than ever.

It will have to learn that it is necessary to acquire and exercise power in order to defend one's interests and values.

“Sometimes we have to jump over our own shadow.” Merkel's warning could come true more often in the future.

The time of easy provincialism has passed.