On Monday, 2 Muharram 683 AH / 1284AD, in the Dar al-Hadith al-Sukkariyya, located in the al-Qasaein neighborhood in Damascus;

A group of imams from the scientific community attended, led by Judge Judge Baha al-Din Ibn al-Zaki al-Shafi’i (d.685 AH / 1287 CE), Sheikh Taj al-Din al-Fazari, Sheikh of al-Shafi’i (d.690 AH / 1291 CE), Sheikh Zain al-Din Ibn al-Marajal al-Shafi’i (d.691 AH / 1292 CE), and Zain al-Din Ibn al-Munja al-Hanbali (d.695 AH / 1296 AD);

The gathering came to witness the first teaching session held by a twenty-two-year-old named Ahmed bin Taymiyyah (d. 728 AH / 1328 CE), and al-Dhahabi (d. 748 AH / 1347 CE) - in the 'History of Islam' - tells us that this young man “scholars underwent his good study” in this The day was a "memorable day"!

From that episode and that date;

Ibn Taymiyyah’s voice did not stop for a moment to shout his opinions and crack down on his positions, and after the body was returned to the dirt, the tree elongated, and for centuries its branches in the corners of the Islamic world blossomed and its soul dwelt in it.

Ibn Taymiyyah came from the womb of the storm, and so was his project that arose in a moment of great anxiety, and in his whole life he was walking on strings tied over moving sands from the intellectual battles that whenever they dwindled, they renewed and flared up, and he toured a hot geography between the Levant and Egypt, fate intended to be the last centers of resistance The civilization of the gaseous dangers of the time.

Ibn Taymiyyah was then the translator of that moment of resistance.

He used to combine the concerns of the thinker with the illusion of the fighter, and in his era fueled - and still is - an intellectual and spiritual revolution. He opened the doors of the discretionary question and was almost closed, and he was - as al-Dhahabi described him - one of the "imams of criticism," so he ruled the heritage of his predecessors and the Greek heritage, and he is a historian of great ideas. In human history, and it has its own impact on the intellectual and cognitive mapping, as you find it re-branching schools and locating them according to the nature of each map.

And as every owner of a great intellectual cloak;

Attached to Ibn Taymiyyah is the one who received the best from him and the one who abused his discipleship to him, and the one who surrounded the faculties of his project and who parted from them with control, and a man can only be attached to what he said and it is clear and clear, nor to be judged except by what he wrote and is abundant and documented, and he does not ask about the understanding of others Nor from what they earn.

Despite what was written about this influential imam in his era and the eras that followed, both ancient and modern books and researches, it reached more than a thousand titles - and they are steadily increasing - in several international and Islamic languages.

The mental image of him remained blurred, to summon researchers and writers to him, often in controversial issues, doctrinal disputes, and political and intellectual positions.

In this article;

We seek to draw a conceptual map of the personality of Ibn Taymiyyah and his biography through contexts, situations, and models that illustrate the major dimensions that characterized his career;

He is an encyclopedic scholar, a classifying teacher, a critical thinker, a brilliant theorist, a preacher, and a reformer who maneuvered between the rift in advice in the palaces of the rulers and paid the tax through perseverance in prisons, and engaging in jihad and resistance on the fronts of the fronts.

And we - in our circumambulation around some of Ibn Taymiyyah’s worlds - do not see that we have had enough of the features of this imam’s project, but we were keen to bring us everything that could frame the biography and path of a man who left in the world a sound that still fills its parts and occupies people!

The emergence of a storm


On the day of Rabi` al-Awwal 10, 661 AH / 1263 CE, our friend Ahmed bin Abdul Halim Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 728 AH / 1328 CE) was born in the city (= today it is located in southern Turkey), one week after the announcement of the killing of the Caliph Al-Mustansir Billah II (d.660 AH / 1262 AD) who By selling it - in Cairo on Rajab 13 659 AH / 1261AD - the return of the Abbasid Caliphate was announced, under the plan of the Mamluk Sultan al-Zahir Baybars al-Bandaqdari (d.676 AH / 1277 CE);

After this caliphate disappeared for two years after the Mongols undermined its pillars in Baghdad in 656 AH / 1258 CE.

Perhaps the simultaneous occurrence of these two events in one week indicates the centrality of the historical context in analyzing the dimensions of our friend’s personality, and the enormity and complexity of the mission paths that he will undertake in his life.

Since he became aware of the movement of events around him, starting with the forced displacement to which his family had taken refuge - in the year 667 AH / 1269 AD - then they left their grounds in Harran for the Levant seeking safety from the attacks of the Tatars, so they “walked at night with scribes in a hurry to not be carried away, so the enemy was almost following them.”

As narrated by Ibn Abd al-Hadi al-Maqdisi (d. 744 AH / 1344 CE) in Muqtasar Tabaqat al-Hadith.

The Taymiyyah family was led on this dangerous journey of displacement by the father of our friend, the Hanbali Mufti Dhu al-Funun Abd al-Halim Ibn Taymiyyah (d.682 AH / 1283 CE) who was “the sheikh of Harran, its ruler and her fiancé after the death of his father.”

According to al-Dhahabi (d. 748 AH / 1348 CE) in al-Ibr.

In describing Ibn Taymiyyah’s father as “the ruler of Harran,” what calls for pause to understand the relationship of this family - which is famous for its chain of science in its generations - with issues of politics and public affairs of society, and these are the three dimensions that are densely summarized by the personality of our friend, which qualified him well to bear the title of “Sheikh of Islam”.

As for his path to attaining that title, he needed self-made and immense love for cognitive distinction.

The historian Safadi (d. 764 AH / 1363 CE) - in 'notables of victory' - tells us about his Sheikh Ibn Taymiyyah’s passion for knowledge from his childhood.

He says about him in his heaved manner: “He was eager to seek from his youth, glorified in achievement and perseverance, and did not affect work (= study) with pleasure, and he did not see that a moment of him was wasted in unemployment, he was amazed by himself and was absent in the pleasure of knowledge on his sense, he did not ask He will eat only if he has attended. "

And when he missed a picnic for his family and blamed him for that;

He answered them, saying: “You do not add anything to you and it is not renewed, and I kept in your absence this volume. And that book was:“ Paradise for the beholder and the paradise of the beholder ”!

The many books of translations that dated Ibn Taymiyyah did not mention the details of the majority of his sheikhs in science despite their abundance, and it is also remarkable that he does not take care of mentioning his sheikhs in his works despite their abundant number, as his “sheikhs were more than two hundred sheikhs”.

According to Ibn Nasser al-Dimashqi (d.842 AH / 1438 CE) - in 'The Wealthy Response' - on the authority of al-Dhahabi.

The factor of intelligence and a passion for learning was one of the strongest factors in Ibn Taymiyyah's encyclopedia and his very early scientific publication.

Al-Dhahabi says - in his book 'The translation of Sheikh al-Islam Ibn Taymiyyah' - specifying when his sheikh began teaching and writing: “So he issued a fatwa for nineteen years and even fewer, and he began collecting and composing from that time ... and his father died - and he was one of the senior Hanbalis and their imams - and he studied after him With his jobs and for twenty-one years, his matter became famous and after his fame in the world.

Ibn Taymiyyah's translators were unanimous in describing him as an encyclopedia and being aware of the knowledge of his time with a critical queen before whom do not stand scholars of doctrine or bearers of thought.

According to al-Dhahabi (d. 748 AH / 1347 CE) in the 'At the End of the History of Islam' - he was “one of the imams of criticism and scholars of archeology ... and jurisprudence, its minutes, rules, arguments, consensus and disagreement until he was satisfied with wonder ... and he was entitled to that, because the conditions of ijtihad had been met in it. As for the origins and knowledge of the religion, and knowledge of the conditions of .. the types of innovators, the dust was not hardened in it and its affairs were not attached to it!

An encyclopedic critic, Al-


Omari describes his sheikh as being familiar with "the origins and grammar and what is related to it, the language and logic, the science of form, algebra, the interview, the science of arithmetic, the knowledge of the people of the two books (= Judaism and Christianity) and the people of innovation, and other transmission and mental sciences."

In Ibn Taymiyyah's critical encyclopedia, the researcher believes that there are three factors that have combined to achieve it: The first factor: the scientific family environment in which he was raised.

The Taymiyyah family was an ancient scholarly family in the Hanbali school of thought.

His mother, Sitt al-Naam bint Abd al-Rahman al-Harraniyya (d. 716 AH / 1316 CE), “the righteous sheikh” - in Ibn Katheer’s expression (d. 774 AH / 1372 CE) in ‘The Beginning and the End’ - was the one who vowed him early to serve and achieve knowledge, and his father Abdel Halim was the Mufti of Harran and her fiancé.

As we have seen.

The second factor in the man’s encyclopedia is the scientific environment in Damascus, to which he came when he was seven years old.

In it - according to al-Dhahabi in “The Tail of the History of Islam” - he heard from “a great creation, more and an adult, and he read himself to a group and was elected .., and he looked at men and causes and became one of the imams of criticism and scholars of antiquity, along with religiosity and nobility.”

Ibn Taymiyyah’s intelligence was a milestone in his scientific history, and it is the third factor in his encyclopedia that covered others.

He was described as the power of intelligence in many formulas, which were dubbed by his translators into what they wrote about him, including what Al-Dhahabi said - in 'The Remembrance of Preservation' - that he was “one of the intelligent, counted.”

Ibn Abd al-Hadi noted - in “the durian contracts one of the virtues of Sheikh al-Islam Ahmad bin Taymiyyah” - with his “excessive intelligence, wandering of his mind, the strength of his conservatism and the speed of his perception.”

Ibn Taymiyyah, with his genius and encyclopedia, covered the role of his family, including his father, who dawned on his hands in jurisprudence, as well as withheld the lights from his sheikhs and scholars of his time.

This is what was expressed by the geographical historian Ibn Fadl Allah Al-Omari (749 AH / 1349 AD) - in “Paths of Sight” - by saying that he “came in an era inhabited by scholars, charged with the stars of the sky ... but his morning blurred those stars ...; then they were packed for him. The battalions broke their ranks ..., their breath suppressed his wind, and their sparks suppressed his lamps! "

And to that;

Ibn Taymiyyah's discretionary tendency and critical mentality made his personal presence stronger than all those who influenced him, and his scientific encyclopedia was distinguished by criticism and consideration, as "he was an imam who did not catch his dust in everything, and reached the rank of diligence, and the conditions of the mujtahids met in him."

As in the 'Summary Tabaqat al-Hadith' by Ibn Abd al-Hadi.

The latter quotes from al-Dhahabi what states that it was this encyclopedia that made Ibn Taymiyyah superior to his scientific opponents, so if "the interpretation is mentioned, then he is the bearer of his banner, and if the jurists are counted, then he is their absolute mujtahid, and if the Hafiz were to speak and they were silent .. And if the speakers were called then it is their individual and to him is their reference." And if Ibn Sina (d. 428 AH / 1038 AD) loomed over the philosophers, then let them ... and violate their cover and reveal their defects! "

Observed platforms One


of the features of important cultural history in our civilization is the interest of scholars - of various schools of thought - in attending the lessons of demarcating those who confront science and the leaders of fatwas and their strict scientific control over them, especially those who attracted attention at an early age, such as Ibn Taymiyyah.

The flags of Damascus were waiting for the witnesses of his first official lesson after he succeeded his father’s scientific position when he was twenty-first.

This lesson was held on Monday, the second of Muharram, 683 AH / 1284 CE, and Ibn Taymiyyah’s first lecture was enormous and full, as we issued this hadith.

It was "written by Sheikh Taj Al-Din Al-Fazari (Al-Shafi’i d. 729 AH / 1329 AD) in his handwriting because of its many benefits, and the abundance of what the attendees favored, and the attendees thanked him for his young age and youth."

According to his student Ibn Kathir.

Al-Dhahabi tells us - in the History of Islam - that Ibn Taymiyyah, on this day, “scholars submitted to his good study.”

From the first day Ibn Taymiyyah entered the public scientific space;

Ascending pulpits, giving lessons, educating people, reforming society, guiding the public, and advising its rulers became central issues in his life and career, similar to the biography of reformers and innovators in every era.

Among the pleasantness of his passion for lessons and the revival of pulpits is what Ibn Katheer told him that he was during his arrest in Egypt, if he found an opportunity, then he "attends Friday groups and makes appointments (= weekly lectures) as he used to in mosques."

This entrenched habit made him add to the lessons - in which his father succeeded - his sitting "on Friday the tenth of Safar (year 683 AH / 1284 AD) at the Umayyad Mosque after Friday prayers on a platform that was prepared for him to interpret the dear Qur’an, so he started from the beginning in his interpretation, and he used to meet the many creatures with him And the vast majority of what was reported from the various liberated sciences, along with religion, martyrdom and worship. The stirrups were mentioned in all regions and countries, and this continued for a long period of years.

Ibn Taymiyyah's lessons were not words repeated and texts repeated, but rather he was powerful, and his lessons echoed throughout Damascus and the Islamic metropolis.

So he was engaged in "God Almighty and detachment from the causes of this world, and the supplication of creation to God Almighty, and he used to sit on the morning of every Friday to people explaining the great Qur’an, so [people] benefited from his sitting .. and the approval of his saying to his work and delegating to God a great creation"

According to Ibn Abd al-Hadi in the 'Circular Contracts'.

Ibn Taymiyyah, with his lessons, fueled epistemological anxiety and a spiritual impulse in the Islamic world, and raised questions and renewed answers to old ones.

He saw the priority of re-adjusting the chaos of ideas that was hitting the scientific scene, and the necessity to establish cultural, societal and political reform on a flat intellectual ground, after removing the rubble of distortions that afflicted the Muslim mind for centuries from the negative overlap of authentic culture from extraneous curricula.

The best person to tell us about the features of this cognitive anxiety and spiritual momentum is his student Safadi who mentioned - in 'Al-Wafi Al-Fataliyyah' - that after posing several problems with Ibn Taymiyyah, if he saw him, he would say to him: “What is the sense of income [with you]? What is the sense of the answers? Sense of doubts? I know that you are like a boiling pot that says: Bugs are a bug, the top is the bug, the bottom is the top, I have to ... I have to benefit!

Safadi adds, "I used to attend his lessons and during his speech I had benefits that I did not hear from anyone else, nor did I mention them in a book!"

An epistemic “Islamization”


Ibn Taymiyyah added to the lecturing and preaching his tireless efforts to revive the sciences in the Levant and the Islamic regions, according to what is learned from Al-Dhahabi’s summary - in his treatise “Al-Amsaar with Archeology” - of the history of the flourishing and decline of sciences in Damascus, which he said, The fourth and fifth, especially in the state of Nur al-Din (Zangi d. 569 AH / 1173 CE), and the days of the hadith of it Ibn Asakir (d. 571 AH / 1175 CE) and al-Maqdisah [Hanbali] who descended at its foot, then it multiplied after that by Ibn Taymiyyah and al-Mazzi (al-Shafi’i d.742 AH / 1342 CE) ) And their companions. "

The value of the real additions that Ibn Taymiyyah mastered his readers stems from the fact that his books - with their encyclopedias and messages - have always proceeded from the needs of a reality that he lives and the life of the ummah, compared to his contemporaries from the scholars of the eighth / 14th century CE who often kept moving within the framework of the usual jurisprudential course.

The historian Safadi, when he presented us with a summary of the men of his era full of scholars, said: “And according to the sentence, Sheikh Taqi al-Din Ibn Taymiyyah was one of the three whom I met with no one like them - rather, before them - of a hundred years ago, and they are: Sheikh Taqi al-Din Ibn Taymiyyah, and the Sheikh Taqi al-Din Ibn Daqiq al-Eid (d. 702 AH / 1302 CE), and our Sheikh, the scholar Taqi al-Din al-Subki (d. 754 AH / 1353 CE).

When we look at the writings of these two great imams and others, we find that most of them went to explain the texts of the revelation or texts. As for Ibn Taymiyyah, despite what was mentioned in the titles of his works - whose recorded number exceeded the three hundred - from his explanation of some of the texts of the Hanbali school of thought.

His real addition to the composition - along with what we have presented - was that his works came in response to certain facts that occurred in his scientific and societal environment, and his fatwas and opinions were formulated in the form of reform messages and college rules regulating one of the controversial issues in the societies of his time.

This explains for us the multiplicity of mention of countries in the names of his books, such as 'Al-Qubrusiya', 'Al-Tabaristani', 'Al-Wasitiya', 'Al-Medaniyya', 'Al-Baalbakia' and 'Marrakesh'.

They were either letters to the kings of his time, even from non-Muslims, such as the 'Cypriot' message, or fatwas and answers to the questions of the people of those regions that we see stretching from Tabaristan (= roughly northeastern Iran today) to Marrakesh in the Far Maghreb, which sheds light on the wide spread of the scholarly man’s reputation And his reformist influence on his life!

We find in Ibn Taymiyyah's debates with Islamic groups, Jews and Christians, and his trials of Greek philosophical and logical thought, a tendency towards the complexity of science in the light of revelation and pure Arabic rules, and perhaps this is summarized by Muhammad bin Qawam al-Balasi (d. 718 AH / 1318 CE): “Our knowledge was only embraced by Ibn Taymiyyah. ";

According to Ibn Rajab al-Hanbali (d. 795 AH / 1393 CE) in 'Thail Tabaqat al-Hanbali'.

And this "Islamization" that Al-Balasi meant indicates - in our opinion - two matters that are very important to understanding Ibn Taymiyyah's influence:

The first thing: ridding him of the sciences of Islam from the influence of the negative influence of Greek thought and the new cultures that infiltrated the sciences of Muslims with their female translators, and tried to be alone with mental issues, especially the logic of Greece, which Ibn Taymiyyah rejected in his book “The Response to the Logicians”;

As well as ridding it of the impurities that entered it through his extensive and deep-rooted pilgrimage to the Islamic sects, including scholars, Sufis, and imitation jurists.

And the second thing: is the resurrection of the soul in these sciences and taking them out of the realm of study into practice and confronting reality and its complications in the eighth / 14th century AD, which inherited from its predecessor several major transformations that affected it and the later centuries.


A new methodology and


we see that among Ibn Taymiyyah’s pivotal additions in the development of science and its “Islamization” is his remarkable love for the history of ideas and doctrines, mentioning the merits of their origins, developments and processes, comparisons of the views of doctrines and differences in them, monitoring of methodological consensuses and discrepancies regarding them even within the same school, and interest in formulating epistemological conclusions and evaluative judgments. And methodological classifications, and taking care to uncover the knowledge resources of scholars on which they relied in their works and derived their ideas from them.

As he did - in Majmoo 'al-Fatwas - with Imam al-Ghazali (d. 505 AH / 1111 CE) when he follows the various sources from which he gathered the repertoire of his Sufi views.

Among the examples of his statements and his comprehensive methodological conclusions is his saying: “There must be a type of conflict in the sects affiliated with the Sunnah and the community, but in them there must be a sect that adheres to the Qur’an and Sunnah, just as there must be conflict and disagreement among Muslims, but there is still an existing sect in this ummah Right "(the collection of fatwas).

As well as his opinion that "the Mu'tazila furthest people from Sufism" (Majmoo 'al-Fatwa);

And that “the greatest of the speakers who exalt the rational pathways are the Mu'tazilites” (The Book of Ward against reason and transmission);

As for his saying: “As for the philosophers, they are not united by a collector. Rather, they are the greatest difference of all sects of Muslims, Jews and Christians” (Book of Daraa, which opposes reason and transmission).

Also from that is his saying - in the collection of fatwas, identifying the source of some of the terminology used in the legal research methods - that “the expert issues (= beliefs) may be like practical issues; and if these are called“ issues of origins ”and these are“ issues of branches ”then this is an updated designation It is divided by a group of jurists and theologians, and it is over the scholars and fundamentalists most, especially if they talk about issues of correction and wrongdoing. As for the majority of investigative and Sufi jurists, they have the works that are more important and more certain than the issues of disputed sayings ”(Majmoo 'al-Fatwa).

Ibn Taymiyyah was distinguished - in his presentation of the views of the schools of thought and difference - for his ability to construct and dismantle the methodological fronts of opinion, pointing to the convergence or transcendental positions between some of the groups that were often considered different or combined in general terms, especially between the speakers and the people of hadith / Hanbali.

Therefore, we often find in him the following expressions: “As for the predecessors, the jurists, the Sufis, the common people, and the majority of the speakers, it is necessary to deny this saying” (the collection of fatwas), and “among them are those who only know how to look and measure, starting as the majority of the speakers from Jahmiyya, Mu'tazila, Ash'ari and some Hanbali” (Majmoo 'al-Fatwa );

And from it also his saying: “Ashariya as they prove it from the Sunnah is a branch of the Hanbali, just as the Hanbali hadith - in what they invoke from the rational analogy - is a branch of them (= Al-Ash'ari)” (the collection of fatwas).

Ibn Taymiyyah’s broad knowledge of the hadith records and the heritage of Islamic centuries prior to his time allowed him to increase the number of scholarly releases in his books.

For example, it is not rare for you to see him saying that “this news is not known in any of the collections of Islam, nor is a known scholar of hadith narrated it” (Minhaj Al-Sunnah);

Or his saying: “This is like most of the issues that are found in the books classified in the schools of the Imams” of the jurists.

And his saying: “Whoever examines the compilations of al-Ta’ifah, the middle saying becomes clear to him” (Majmoo 'al-Fatwa)

And it came in a text reported by Ibn al-Qayyim (d. 751 AH / 1350 CE) - in 'Madarij al-Salikin' - to indicate the presence of his Sheikh in knowledge, and we mention him here to demonstrate Ibn Taymiyyah's interest in the details of the history of ideas: “It is good in knowledge that if the questioner asked you about an issue that you investigated him Her answer is a satisfactory answer .., and I have seen from Sheikh al-Islam Ibn Taymiyyah .. in this a strange thing, if he was asked about a wisdom issue, he mentioned in her answer the doctrines of the four imams - if he was able - and the disagreement was drawn, the weight of the saying, and he mentioned the matters of the issue that might be more useful to the questioner From his question, so his joy in these belongings and supplies is greater than his joy at his question!

It seems that Ibn Taymiyyah’s love for the history of ideas was not something acceptable to the majority of scholars of his time.

Ibn al-Qayyim told Ibn al-Qayyim that his opponents reproach him with that, and they say: The questioner asked him through Egypt, for example, and he mentions with it the route to Mecca, Medina, Khorasan, Iraq and India, and what need does the questioner have ?!


A distinct group, the


nature of the calls - reformist or otherwise - requires that its people meet on principles and directives that they adhere to in their journey, a phenomenon known in Islam with the formation of doctrinal sects and jurisprudential schools of thought and the flourishing of Sufi orders and the abundance of its followers, but the "Taymiyyah group" was - in its clash with ideas and current events In its society - closer to the spirit and effectiveness of contemporary organizations, due to the sheikh’s overwhelming revolution against sectarian fanaticism and his long-standing opposition to some Sufi orders, then to what we have in our hands of the literature of this group and the facts in which it participated in his life, and the collective harm it suffered for the sake of the principles advocated by its founder.

Ibn Taymiyyah touched on the subject of the praised and blameworthy partisanship in his fatwas and his responses to questions about the meanings of "fatwa" and the terms "leader", "sponsor" and "tribe."

His fatwa - in 'Majmoo' al-Fatwas' - was a fatwa of intent that did not stop at the stagnation of letters and the forms of appearances, so he saw that the partisans, if “they gathered together according to what God and His Messenger commanded without an increase or decrease, then they are believers for what they have and what they owe, and if they have increased In that, they neglected the example of intolerance for those who entered their party with right and wrong, and turning away from those who did not enter their party, whether on truth or falsehood. This is from the division that God Almighty and His Messenger reprimanded, for God and His Messenger are an order for a group and a coalition and forbade separation and disagreement, and an order to cooperate in righteousness and piety and forbade On cooperation in sin and aggression. "

Ibn Taymiyyah's letters that he wrote to his companions from his prison camp in Egypt between the years 705 AH-708 / 1305-1308 CE indicate that he actually leads a semi-"organized" group, in which he explains to them what God has blessed him in prison as confirming them.

In Majmoo 'al-Fatwas, the text of “a message from the Sheikh of Islam to his companions while he was imprisoned in Alexandria,” appeared in its beginning: “As for the grace of your Lord, it happened.” And by which I define “the group” .. I am .. in the grace of God I have not seen anything like it in All my life"!

In another message, the sheikh apologizes for not meeting his companions and issues orders to the "commander" for his followers.

He says: “What is meant is to inform the“ group ”that God’s blessings are on us above what was much, much .., and if it is not possible to serve the congregation by meeting, then I call for them night and day to perform some duty of their right ..; and what I command each one of them is to fear God and act May God seek the help of God, striving for the sake of God, and by that he intends that the word of God is supreme. "

And in the events that Ibn Taymiyyah contemporary with, his translators frequently mentioned him in conjunction with his companions or his group.

And from that chapter that was written by his servant Ibrahim bin Ahmed al-Ghayani (d. After 730 AH / 1330 CE) entitled 'A chapter on what Ibn Taymiyyah did and singled out it in breaking stones' that people visited and blessed with them, and it was transmitted by Ibn Urwa al-Mashriqi al-Hanbali (d. 1112 AH / 1700 CE) In the 'Darya Planets'.

Al-Ghayani mentioned the failure of the mediation carried out by Shams al-Din Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Dabahi al-Baghdadi (d.711 AH / 1311 CE) between Ibn Taymiyyah and the sheikh of the Sufi sheikhs Abu al-Fath Nasr bin Suleiman al-Manbaji (d.704 AH / 1304 CE).

Then he said: “Sheikh Nasr [al-Mannabji] went to the governor of Medina to press (= break into) the house of Ibn Taymiyyah, hold his companions and put them in custody, and the governor transferred his deputy and pressed the house. Their intention was to hold Sharaf al-Din (Ibn Taymiyyah d. 727 AH / 1327 CE), brother of the sheikh. They escaped from the roof, and [the deputy] caught the sheikh’s companions and brought them to the governor and put them in a hall at his house, and they prevented people from entering at the sheikh’s house. Then, after days, the governor was dismissed, and he (= released) the group. "


Special literature.


It is sufficient in this paragraph to indicate the presence of the semi-"organizational" dimension of the companions of Sheikh Ibn Taymiyyah, and early in his life, because the incident occurred before the death of Al-Manbaji in 704 AH / 1304 AD.

As for the letter written by scholar Ahmad bin Ibrahim Al Wasiti (d. 711 AH / 1311 CE) - entitled “Remembrance, consideration and victory for the righteous” - it can be considered a “doctrinal report” that is literally directed at the group’s behavior, and in it he mentioned the names of its senior members and described them as “his brothers in God, the gentlemen scholars, The pious imams. "

Al-Wasiti calls on the "Sheikh's companions" to mediate between pure monasticism and excessive preoccupation in the world, by saying, "Let it be the business of one of us today: the adjustment (= balance) between worldly interests, scientific virtues, and heart-wrenching orientations, and none of us is satisfied with one of these three on the other, so he misses the requirement." .

The organizational presence and its emotional characteristic reach the extent of Al-Wasiti when he addresses his "brothers", saying that they have become "under the sanjak (= banner) of the Messenger of God, may God bless him and grant him peace - God Almighty willing - with your sheikh, your imam, our sheikh and our imam .., you have distinguished from all the people of the earth. - Its Faiths ... and its Sufism and its commoners - with the correct religion. "Then he clarifies the features of their distinction from all these groups by mentioning by names a number of Sufi orders.

This is with a constant reminder of the blessing of God upon the people of the seventh hundred in the existence of a parable of Ibn Taymiyyah in general, and what God has singled out his companions, especially in their residency to support the true religion, then Al-Wasiti does not cease to remind his brothers of what they are on to carry out “the jihad of princes and soldiers, you correct the injustices they corrupt And prejudices, and bad conduct arising from ignorance of the religion of God as possible. "

And while the majority of Al-Wasiti in his letter was mentioned by name from the Hanbalis, except for one Shafi’i.

The Taymiyyah group was a cross-sectarian group, and many of them were patrons, even though the Shafi’i judges and jurists were the heads of the opponents of Ibn Taymiyyah’s activity, so the message of the strength of the religion Abdullah bin Hamid (died before 758 AH / 1357 CE) - who was one of the Shafi’i scholars in Iraq who was called Ibn Taymiyyah as an imam. The world - to Ibn Rushiq al-Maghribi al-Maliki (d. 749 AH / 1348 CE) - whom Ibn Katheer describes as “the author of the compilations of our Sheikh Ibn Taymiyyah” in his life - suffices as an indication of the crossing of the Taymiyyah da'wa of sects, making it an inclusive school of thought rather than a closed doctrine of jurisprudence.

In addition to his own books, Ibn Rushiq al-Maghribi;

The sheikh gained companions and supporters from among those affiliated with the Maliki school, despite the fact that three of the Maliki scholars - they are: the knowledge of the Sufis Abu al-Fadl Ahmad Ibn Ata Allah al-Sakandari (d.709 AH / 1309 CE), Judge Zain al-Din Ali ibn Makhlouf (d.718 AH / 1318 CE), and Judge Judges Taqi al-Din Muhammad Ibn al-Ikhna’i, who died in the year (d. 750 AH / 1349 CE) - They were among the most prominent opponents who took charge of his complaints to the authority, or they examined him in its councils, or judicially examined the cases brought against him in its trials.

Among his Maliki companions were famous people of Andalusian origins, such as the Hafiz and historian Ibn Sayyid al-Nas (d. 734 AH / 1334 CE) and Muhammad bin Jabir al-Wadi Ashi (d. 749 AH / 1348 CE), and he also received scientific support from some of their colleagues in the doctrine, such as the imams of the Mihrab al-Malikiyah in the Umayyad Mosque: The Mufti Abu Omar Ahmad Ibn Abi Al-Walid Al-Ishbili Al-Dimashqi (d. 745 AH / 1344 AD) and his brother Abu Muhammad Abdullah bin Abi Al-Walid (d. 743 AH / 1742 AD), who approved Ibn Taymiyyah's fatwa on “The matter of straining the traveler”.

It is natural for the Hanbalis and Shafi’i to be the most followers of Ibn Taymiyyah because of the spread of the two schools of thought in the Levant and its Egyptian and Iraqi neighborhoods.

Ibn al-Qayyim is the most famous companion of the sheikh from the Hanbalis, and Ibn Katheer and al-Dhahabi among the prominent Shafi'is who embraced the thought of the Sheikh and his reform principles, and some of the Hanafi jurists joined the Taymiyyah da'wah, such as Ala al-Din Moghalatay al-Hanafi (d.762 AH / 1361 CE).

“A man of creed”


We will not pause in this paragraph with Ibn Taymiyyah’s stances regarding the divide in truth and confronting the rulers of his time, nor with his heroic stances in jihad and repelling invading enemies;

Except to the extent that it clarifies for us the relationship of Ibn Taymiyyah, the jurist scholar, with the ramifications of politics and the direction of the masses, invoking that in this he was a natural legacy of a huge legacy of scholarly positivity left by Shami imams whose birth and upbringing coincided with their departure, such as Izz al-Din Ibn Abd al-Salam (d.660 AH / 1262 CE) and al-Nawawi. (D. 676 AH / 1275 AD).

As for the Sheikh's association with the details of political events in that, he became famous and his companions and translators transmitted his biography and historians of his time.

And from this is what Ibn Abd al-Hadi tells us - in the “the Dorian contracts” - that in “the first month of Ramadan in the year of seventy-two (702 AH / 1302 AD)) the famous Shuqhab (= village today 38 km south of Damascus) was the famous, and the people had great hardship. And there appeared in it from the Sheikh's dignity and the answer to his supplication, the greatness of his jihad and the strength of his faith, the intensity of his advice to Islam, his excessive courage and the end of his generosity ... that is beyond the epithet and beyond the description.

Ibn Abd al-Hadi narrates to us on the authority of one of Ibn Taymiyyah’s companions - who was with him who attended the Shuqhab incident - his admiration for "the large number of Muslim armies who attended it."

Then he mentioned his talk about the status of his sheikh with them. “He said: Their unanimous word agreed to venerate Sheikh Taqi al-Din and love him, to hear his words and advice, and they took his sermons and asked him questions about religion, and none of the kings of Levant remained Turkish or Arab unless he met the Sheikh during that period, and he believed His goodness and righteousness and advice to God, His Messenger and the believers. "

Perhaps the desire of these sultans and their followers towards Ibn Taymiyyah and the intensity of their belief in him is what made him say to his admirers and those praising him, his famous word that Ibn Abd al-Hadi mentioned in the 'al-Dari contracts': “I am a religious man, not a statesman”!

And that after the "Army of Islam Al-Mansour entered the guarded Damascus, and the Sheikh was among his companions complaining (= wearing) in his arms, entering with them, high his word list his argument, the phenomenon of his mandate accepted his intercession, answering his call seeking his blessing, an honorable one, with authority and a powerful word!"

Was Ibn Taymiyyah’s word, “I am a cleric not a statesman,” with which he addressed his followers and loved ones - who is among the princes of the Turks and Arabs - a political sense from the sheikh raised by his fear that his public speech would fuel the fire of jealousy among these princes?

Especially since everyone is in desperate need for unity and solidarity in the face of the Tatars;

Or is it a denial of the accusation of defending the princes and seeking to seize power, with which the sheikh has always been accused of being bold and daring in telling the truth and confronting tyrants and invaders?

Or is it a confirmation of what his student Ibn al-Wardi (d. 749 AH / 1349 CE) said - in “The Compendium of the Compendium in the News of Humans” - that Ibn Taymiyyah was not really “a man of states ... and he helped his enemies on himself by entering into big issues that the minds of children could not bear. Our time and their science! "

Despite Ibn Taymiyyah's bitter clash with the jurists of his time, who often continued to bind him with authority;

His relationship with her remained governed by a fine line of balance and distance from clashing with her or employing her to serve her, and in accordance with his rule that he established in his book 'The Sharia Policy in Reforming the Shepherd and the Parish', and the judge that “if the Sultan is separated from religion or religion from the Sultan, people's conditions will be corrupted” .

A balanced view.


One of the manifestations of his independence from power is that when he was thirty years old, he was “offered the judges’ court before the ninetieth (year 690 AH / 1291 CE), and the “sheikhdom of the sheikhs” (= the Sufi sheikhdom), but he did not accept anything of that.

According to Ibn Rajab al-Hanbali in 'The Tail'.

It is known that the “Sheikhdom of the Sheikhs” is the official body supervising the affairs of the Sufi orders, and in the expression Al-Qalqashandi (d.821 AH / 1418 AD) - in “Subh Al-Asha” - the “Sheikhdom of the sheikhs” is its subject ... to talk about all the gorges (= Sufi corners) and the poor in Damascus and their actions ".

And with his rejection of the jurisprudential opinion that prohibits the entry of scholars to the sultans, considering it - according to Ibn Muflih al-Janabli (d.763 AH / 1362 CE) in “Shariah Etiquette” - that “meeting with the sultan is of the same type of emirate and guardianship, and he did so to his order [with good] and forbidding [what is wrong] as a status. Assume] guardianship with the intention of justice and the establishment of truth ";

He was known for his refusal of the gifts of the sultans and their aides, despite his assertion - in the 'fatwas' - that the legitimate beneficiaries to take "the livelihoods from the treasury ... what they take is not the property of the sultan, but rather it is the money of God that the guardian divides among the deserving ones."

In the last half of his life;

Ibn Taymiyyah's imprisonment cases have been repeated - since his first trial in 698 AH / 1299 CE - so the total time he spent in prison was five intermittent years at intervals between the years 705-728 AH / 1305-1328 CE, but this number increases by the period of house arrest over ten years (= 30%) From his scientific age !!), and the issues he was imprisoned because of it ranged between belief, jurisprudence and mysticism, and the places of imprisonment and the determination of residence were distributed between the Levant and Egypt.

Al-Hafiz Ibn Hajar Al-Asqalani (d. 852 AH / 1448 CE) - in his translation of the Sheikh from “The Lurking Pearls” - is unique in explaining and analyzing two parties to the sheikh’s repeated imprisonment.

He says: “Some people attributed it to him striving in the great imamate (= the caliphate), because he used to cite the mention of Ibn Tumart (= Muhammad ibn Tumrt, the founder of the Call of the Unitarian in the Islamic West and who died 525 AH / 1131 CE) and praise him, and that was confirming the length of his imprisonment !!" !!

However, what we have quoted here on the authority of Ibn Hajar seems far from what Ibn Taymiyyah's earlier words contained in his recognition of the legitimacy of Mamluk rule, his mobilization of public support for their regime, and his participation in the reform efforts of their state through his book “Sharia Politics,” which is believed to have been written by the Mamluk prince Aash al-Mansouri (d. 719 AH / 1319 CE), and Al-Mansouri was the deputy of the Levant for Sultan Al-Nasir Qalawun (d.741 AH / 1340 CE), whom Ibn Taymiyyah called him "the Sultan of the Muslims."

Moreover, the cases for which he was imprisoned were devoid of anti-authority political positions !!

Political awareness One


of the salient features in Ibn Taymiyyah's writings is that the methodological framing by which he takes the living political and social reality as molds in which he empties his jurisprudential fatwas intertwined with events.

These fatwas were always a reflection of his depth of political awareness, the ingenuity of his surrounding of the reality of his time, the political geography that surrounds him, the centers of regional powers, and the balance of their regimes, strength and weakness.

Perhaps what deepened the presence of those political dimensions in his scholarly personality was the nature of his era in which the Islamic world was moving from the era of "the weak caliphs" to the era of "the absent caliphs".

That era in which the Mamluk state inherited the geography of the Ayyubid state and the legitimacy of its position, when its princes halted the stormy Tatar tide in the battle of Ain Jalut in 658 AH / 1260 CE, and declared the return of the caliphate in Cairo, and they described the Crusader occupation permanently with the conquest of Akka in 690 AH / 1291 AD.

It is also the era that witnessed the complete collapse of Andalusia except for the Kingdom of Granada, and heralded the emergence of a small emirate in the Levantine neighborhood of Anatolia, which would, within decades, become a state with a shadow that would steadily rise until it became what was known as the "Ottoman Empire."

We will be satisfied here with one example of that methodical feature framed by political insight in the man’s writings and positions.

When Ibn Taymiyyah sought in the year 702 AH / 1302 CE - who was the son of forty - to incite the Mamluk sultans to confront the advancing Tatars from Iraq to the Levant and Egypt - after the "Islam" of their kings - led by their sultan, Kazan bin Argun (d.703 AH / 1303 AD);

He issued a fatwa obliging the Mamelukes to wage jihad, giving them political legitimacy, and mobilizing public opinion to support them in the resistance so that their defeat before the Tatars in 699 AH / 1300 CE would not be repeated. In his fatwa, he said: “As for the sect (= the ruling Mamelukes) in Levant and Egypt, and the like, they are at this time the fighters for the religion of Islam. , And they are among the most deserving of people to enter the Victorious Sect mentioned by the Prophet ... in the extensive authentic hadiths.

Then the sheikh follows that by drawing a map of the political geography of Muslims - from Iraq to Morocco and from Yemen to the Levant - demonstrating the credibility of what he went to from the qualification of the Mamluks to lead the Muslims.

He emphasized that “whoever manages the conditions of the world at this time knows that this sect is the most important of the sects in the religion of Islam: knowledge, action and jihad on behalf of the East and West of the Earth ... and the pride of Muslims in the East and West of the Earth is their pride. That is because the population of Yemen at this time is weak and incapable of jihad. As for the inhabitants of the Hijaz, most of them or many of them are outside the Sharia ... and the people of faith and religion among them are weak and helpless ... As for African countries, their Arabists are overwhelmed by them ... As for the Far Maghreb, with the Franks taking over most of their countries they do not carry out the struggle of the Christians there. ..; This and other things that show that this gang that is in Levant and Egypt at this time are the battalion of Islam .. So if the Tatars seized them, there would be no lofty word of Islam left!

As a result of this political insight into the reality of his time;

We find in Ibn Taymiyyah a realistic view of the systems of government in his days when he theorized for a type of forced legislation for the Qatari state with the authority independent of any collective center, which was described in his time as the "sultanistic state".

As he says - in Majmoo 'al-Fatwas - that “the Sunnah [is] that Muslims have one imam and the rest are his deputies, so if it is assumed that the ummah has deviated from that - due to disobedience from some of the others and incapacity of the rest or otherwise - then it had several imams (= rulers); Each imam would have had to establish the boundaries and fulfill the rights ... and the basic principle is that these duties (= duties of authority) are performed in the best way. Whenever it was possible to establish them from a prince did not need two, and when were they only established by a number of [princes] .. they were established if There was no corruption in its establishment that exceeded its loss, for it is a matter of enjoining good and forbidding evil, "so it shall be governed by the rules of balance between bringing interests and warding off evil."

A public presence, Al-


Dhahabi summarizes for us - in 'The Orphan Durra in the Taymiyyah biography' - the positions of the various members of the scholarly and sectarian circles towards Ibn Taymiyyah.

He tells us that “a creation of the scholars of Egypt and the Levant rose up against him, and they called him, their observers, and those who met him, and he is steadfast and does not flatter or be favored. Rather, he says the bitter truth which his diligence and sharpness of mind brought him to him, and the broadening of his circle in the Sunnahs and sayings, along with what is known about him of piety. ..., and glorifying the sanctities of God. "

Al-Dhahabi added that these hostilities resulted in severe incidents, "so there were war campaigns between him and them and the Levantine and Egyptian incidents, and how many turn they cast from a single arc, and God would save him."

Despite these enmities, the Sheikh “on the other side had lovers among scholars and righteous people, soldiers and princes, merchants and elders, and the rest of the public loved him, because he was devoted to their benefit day and night, with his tongue and his pen.”

And we understand from Al-Dhahabi’s words that the “public” was not divided between Ibn Taymiyyah, as it was for her unanimously, and the facts indicate that they were frequently celebrated when he passed by their shops in the market, and when he came from traveling, especially if his absence was prolonged.

After his introduction in the year 712 AH / 1312 CE after his long house arrest in Egypt;

The Sultan took him "to Damascus ... and his absence from her was seven full years ..., and many people came out to receive it ... until some women came out to see him as well."

According to Ibn Katheer.

Ibn Taymiyyah was sometimes leading the masses in large demonstrations in protest against some issues and phenomena, as happened in the story of Assaf, son of Emir Ahmed bin Haji, the leader of the Al Mari, who was famous - according to Al-Dhahabi in the History of Islam - as a “noble and obedient Arab”.

One of the story of this al-Arabi was that “he was the one who protected the Christian who cursed (the Messenger), so he defended him in every possible way .. So the two sheikhs Zain al-Din al-Farqi (Shafi’i Sheikh d. 703 AH / 1303 CE) and Taqi al-Din Ibn Taymiyyah appeared - in a large group of pious and common people - To MP Izz al-Din Aybak al-Hamwi (Deputy Sultan d. 703 AH / 1303 CE) and they spoke to him about the matter of the damned, and he replied [them] to bring it.

Al-Dhahabi adds that this event took place “in Rajab in the ninety-three year (693 AH / 1294 CE), and at that time our Sheikh Ibn Taymiyyah compiled the book 'Al-Sarim Al-Masul Al-Masul Al-Maslul Al-Saram Al-Rasul' '.

Najm’s Diaries


A careful reader of Ibn Taymiyyah’s life paths and diaries would imagine that he is following the news of a contemporary reformist leader, not a scholar from the middle of Hambali in the eighth century AH / 14th century AD.

Thanks to the abundance of historians among his students and contemporaries, his life was monitored in detail, as was the life of the four imams, and the lives of the stars of the public figures in our time were also monitored, and this monitoring included those who sought refuge in him from relatives and discipleship or friendship and rivalry.

Al-Dhahabi - in 'The Orphan Durra in the Taymiyyah Biography' - accurately paints the image of his external sheikh;

He says that "his hair is cut, and he has dignity, and his grayness is easy, and his beard is round, and of brownish-white color, and he is one-fourth of his stature, far between the shoulders, as if his eyes are speaking tongues!"

And he talks to us about his generosity and his relationship with money, and about his dress codes;

He says: “What I have seen in the world is more honorable than him, and I do not empty the dinar and the dirham, he does not mention it, and I do not think it revolves in his mind, and it has chivalry and standing with his companions, and pursuit of their interests, and he is poor and has no money, and his dress is like one of the jurists: Farajiya (= a long dress) The sleeves), the calf (= a robe that the scholars and judges wear) and a turban, whose [clothes] are worth thirty dirhams (= today approximately $ 37), and a tread (= insole) is of poor price. "

Al-Dhahabi added, describing his Sheikh’s social “etiquette”: “He may rise for someone who comes from a journey or is absent from him, and if he comes, he may stand up for him, and everyone has the same, for he is empty of these fees, and he never bows to anyone, but gives salutations, shakes hands and smiles, and may be venerated. He sits with him once, and insults him in the conversation several times. "

This "insult" to the interlocutors is the one that Al-Dhahabi took - as Ibn Hajar quoted him in "the hidden pearls" - on his sheikh, and justified by it the quarrels and prosecutions he was subjected to.

He said: “I do not believe in him infallibility. Rather, I contradict him in basic and subsidiary matters, for he was ... a human being who was severely researched and angry and traumatized by opponents that planted enmity for him in souls, and if not for that, the word consensus would have been!”

Defense and justification,


while Ibn Taymiyyah implicitly admits that severity, he does not fail to justify it in his dialogues.

Here he is responding to one of them, saying: “What you mentioned about the [merit] of the softness of speaking and addressing in which is better; you know that I am one of the people who use this most ... and since God and His Messenger commanded to exaggerate the speaker - for his intent and his aggression against the Qur’an and Sunnah - we are commanded to meet him [ Rigorously], we were not instructed to address him in the best way.

His students and translators also worked hard in describing his worship and prayers, and they mentioned that one of his well-known habits is to refrain from speaking after the dawn prayer and to prolonged thinking and meditation, and in this he says, according to the Bazaar: “His habit was known [that] no one spoke to him - unnecessarily - after the Fajr prayer, so no He is still in the remembrance of Allah, while during that time he frequently turns his gaze towards the sky, so he continued until the sun rises. "

Al-Bazar continues his monitoring of the details of his sheikh’s daily program, saying: “He used to kneel [after sunrise], and if he wanted to hear a hadith in another place, hurry to him immediately.”

He describes how the masses deal with him while he passes the streets, and he is dealing with the "evils" on the streets;

He says, “It is rare for someone who has insight to see him without leaning on his hands kissing them, so that if the heads of coexistence saw him go beyond their stores to greet him and bless him, and with this he would give each of them an abundant share of peace and others, and if he saw a denier on his way, he would remove it, Or he heard a funeral hurriedly pray for it. "

He was also attending to the "patients, especially those in Al-Mumaristan (= the hospital)" clinic.

After this daily morning tour - which includes seeking knowledge, paying attention to public affairs and sympathizing with people - the sheikh returns "to his mosque, and sometimes he continues to issue fatwas to people, and sometimes to fulfill their needs, until he prays the noon with the congregation, and then so for the rest of his day."

Al-Bazar describes to us Ibn Taymiyyah’s majlis, in which equality is achieved in its various dimensions, and he says: “Its council was general for the old and the young .., and the male and the female, it expanded to all of the people who respond to it, each of whom sees himself as if no one is honored as much as he is honored.

Al-Bazar adds that in the evening when the night comes, “[the Sheikh] prays Maghrib, then volunteers with what God pleases, then I read to him from his books or [reads] others, and he informs us of jokes and provides us with gentle things until the evening prayers, then after that [we return] as we were .., and it was May God be pleased with him that he often raises his tip to the sky, and he hardly wavered from that, as if he saw something affirming it (= contemplating it) with his eyes, so this was his persistence during my stay in his presence "in Damascus.

A sincere prediction.


We previously quoted what the historian Ibn al-Wardi realized when he observed - with insightful insight - the primacy of the visions of his Sheikh Ibn Taymiyyah for his time, so he took it upon him that he raises "issues of adults that are not tolerated by the minds of the children of our time or their knowledge."

Indeed, Ibn al-Wardi was not unique in his observation.

Another student of Ibn Taymiyyah predicted that his ideas and principles would have a great future in the Islamic world, when generations and men are born that are valued by their rightfulness.

In the 'Resala' written by Sheikh Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Mari al-Tamimi al-Hanbali (d. After 728 AH / 1328 CE) to his fellow students of Ibn Taymiyyah, very accurate and important data were received about Ibn Taymiyyah’s legacy and his fate after his death, and he energized his students to collect this abundant heritage, then He reassured them of the unrivaled care, appreciation and benefit that awaits their Sheikh's books.

Ibn Mari addresses the sheikh’s companions and says: “Do not despair of the near and far hearts accepting the words of our Sheikh, for he - praise be to God - is accepted willingly and hate, and where are the goals of healthy hearts accepting his words, and the influential eagerness follows his investigation and his preferences! By God - God willing - may God Almighty evaluate us - Let us support this speech, publish it, write it down, understand it, extract its intentions and approve of its wonders and strangers - men who are until now in the core of their fathers, and this is the law of God that is ongoing in his worshipers and his country.

Ibn Mura’s prediction was as true, perhaps as far as he himself had anticipated.

Although the influence of Ibn Taymiyyah was often associated with the doctrinal Salafi doctrine of a Hanbali hue, it found significant extensions in the rest of the jurisprudential schools as previously mentioned, and around his ideas a class of scholars who were known as Shafi`is or Malikis in the branches of jurisprudence, but they were "Hanbali / Timien" in the doctrinal origins, which at the time contributed to alleviating the sectarian fanaticism that was eating away at the body of the scientific community.

His country messages - some of their indicative headings have already been publicized - and the petitions submitted to the authority to demand his release, sent from Iraq and elsewhere, indicate the diversity of the doctrines of those who support and recommend his ideas.

Rather, it was stated in the introduction of one of his students to his doctrinal message “Marrakesh” that he wrote it in Egypt in the year 712 AH / 1312 CE in order to break out “a conflict between a group of Moroccan-Malikis who delivered it and took it to the Maghreb.”

The writer adds what informs us that the people of the Islamic West at the time looked to know everything issued by Ibn Taymiyyah.

His books "that were transferred from the lands of Egypt to the countries of the Maghreb by students of knowledge and religion do not bring me their number due to their abundance, and I have seen one of their notables accompanied by fourteen works, and another one larger than him was accompanied by more than that and postponed and published in their countries, then he returned to take another piece."

It is surprising that the influence of the Ibn Taymiyyah school had a prominent and relatively early presence in the academic course of the Ottoman Empire.

His views were spread by a group of scholars led by Muhammad Effendi al-Barakwi (d. 981 AH / 1573 CE). The emergence of this Ottoman Taymiyyah school was “in response to the Fakhr al-Razi school, which represented the official Islam of the Ottomans.”

According to what Turkish researcher Professor Ahmed Yasar Ujak says in his study on "intellectual life" in the Ottoman state, published in the collective book issued under the title: "The Ottoman State ... History and Civilization."

And in the early days of the Islamic religious renaissance in the modern era;

God brought out of the Asalab - if we use the expression of Ibn Mari - reformed men, Ibn Taymiyyah was a meeting point between them on the multiplicity of their jurisprudential and sectarian lines, at their forefront was Imam al-Shawkani (d. 1255 AH / 1834 CE) who grew up and learned in an environment dominated by the Zaidi Shiite jurisprudence, then influenced by a methodology Ibn Taymiyyah even said about him in his book 'Al-Badr Al-Tala'a': “I say: I do not know after a son Hazm like him, and I do not think the time allowed between the age of the two men with those who liked them or close to them !!”

The sign of India was also influenced by Prince Siddiq Hassan Khan (d.1307 AH / 1890 CE), who had the Hanafi Fiqh Formation at the beginning of his life.

As for the Sunni reform and revival currents in the modern era;

The Timi influence included the majority of them, starting with the archaeological Wahhabi movement, passing through the rational Arab reformist movement, and ending with the current Islamic movements and organizations.

This is with the conceptual difference of these currents and their disparity - sometimes to the point of contradiction - in dealing with his legacy by interpretation and download !!