Italy: Draghi's nomination fits a dangerous trend in Italy

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So now Mario Draghi.

New game New luck.

Or bad luck.

In his role as President of the European Central Bank (ECB), Draghi not only saved the euro - “whatever it takes”.

As an Italian, which he is, he has done everything possible with skill and cunning to keep Italy, which is economically ailing, afloat.

Now, as Prime Minister-designate, he is supposed to save his country, whose party system has not emerged from the existential crisis for almost three decades.

"Whatever it takes."

In Italy there is a weakness for political miracle healers, who are then usually systematically dismantled by the political experts of the parties after their enthronement.

This time, however, it is amazing how quickly an almost all-party consensus emerged that Draghi was exactly the right person.

He has held high offices from the General Director of the Italian Ministry of Finance to the President of the ECB, but he was never a politician.

Once again Italy seeks its salvation with an outsider, with one who is not contaminated by the tough routine of Italian party politics.

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At first glance, Draghi has achieved a small miracle.

With the exception of the fascist Fratelli d'Italia (FdI), all parties have responded positively to his nomination by President Sergio Mattarella.

This is astonishing because it suddenly seems to have overcome the polarization of the political landscape that has lasted for years.

The previous government was essentially supported by the left-wing Democratic Party and the populist movement Five Stars.

This fragile alliance, which lasted for a long time under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, who came from the world of science, did nothing outstanding, but it did a good job.

The majority was close.

The opposition from Lega, FdI and Berlusconi's Forza Italia led in the polls and worked in a constant propaganda battle towards a new election.

Above all, the chairman of the Lega, Matteo Salvini, stood out, who loudly and aggressively advocated a nationalist anti-EU line.

This polarization has now melted like the snow in the sun.

Before he was asked, Silvio Berlusconi signaled that he welcomed the decision for Draghi.

That was foreseeable.

There was no telling that the Lega would move too.

After Salvini initially announced a "no", he quickly turned around and no longer wanted to rule out the possibility that his party could also support Draghi.

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He didn't do it on his own initiative, but under pressure.

In the economically strong northern Italy, many entrepreneurs support the Lega.

This gave Salvini unmistakable understanding that Draghi was the right choice.

Probably because they trust him to do two things: reform Italy's economy and infrastructure.

And to use all of his EU know-how and shrewdness to ensure that Italy gets an even bigger piece of the EU aid pie than already planned.

Part of the small miracle is that the Five Stars are no longer completely rejecting Operation Draghi.

The stars seem to have passed their prime anyway.

In the last parliamentary election, they became the strongest group and appointed the prime minister.

The semi-party was a troop of inexperienced anti-politicians who advocated plebiscitary digital democracy and only had to do things in government that violated their grassroots democratic principles.

Now the five stars want their members to vote yes or no to Draghi.

But it's a strong sign that the movement's founder, Beppe Grillo, doesn't seem to have anything against Draghi either - the same Grillo who not long ago wanted to forcibly dump all members of the elite and send them home.

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In view of this unusual unanimity, some commentators in Italy are already of the opinion that the Gordian knot has finally been cut, that the savior has finally come who could permanently reform and stabilize Italy's political system.

Might be.

Draghi, who attended a Jesuit school, has been washed by many waters, takes his position with tenacious persistence, does not show his cards and thinks around in more than one corner.

But that could also be a problem.

Because Draghi's nomination fits in all too well with a dangerous tendency in Italy: If politics no longer know what to do, the sovereign is not consulted and elected.

Instead, an outside miracle healer is installed.

Or you simply regroup the government team and look for a new man at the top.

It all started in November 2011 when the economist Mario Monti was chosen as prime minister.

And it continued with numerous maneuvers by the then President Giorgio Napolitano to prevent a new election in the event of severe government crises.

The country's democratic mechanism is blocked.

But that is exactly what Draghi stands for.

Conte held up surprisingly well

His predecessor, the non-politician Conte, held up surprisingly well in the office of Prime Minister.

In addition to his vigor, he certainly benefited from the fact that he was not woven into the system of the Italian elite.

It's completely different with Draghi.

Although he comes from the middle class, he embodies like no other the unconditional self-confidence of those Italian and European elites, who see themselves almost as a caste standing above the people and the parties.

The world is wondering: Will Draghi, in his exploratory talks, work towards a “political” government made up of parties?

Or will it form a “technical” government made up of professionals?

So it's about the question of whether he gets involved in politics.

Or follows the view and the prejudice that only experts, not politicians, are able to make correct decisions.

Draghi was smart enough not to fall into the "technical" trap right away.

He strives, he stated to understand, a "political" government.

And that's because the principle of representation is so important for democracy.

Does Draghi have a feel for social problems?

That's nicely said.

But it could well be that a “mixed” government will emerge with Draghi.

So: some - more economically remote - ministries are filled with members of the parties that support the government.

However, familiar experts move into the departments that are central to Draghi.

That would look Solomonic, but it would mean that Draghi would hold the reins tighter than any Italian head of government before him.

As undoubtedly as the liberal Draghi is competent in financial and economic issues, one can hardly know whether he will also have a feel for social problems that are decided on in everyday life and not in the executive suite.

A prime minister cannot be a CEO.

Not even if it looks like the face of a Renaissance pope or prince.