Paris (AFP)

From a regime of religious freedoms to increased state control, the "separatism" bill, examined from Monday in the National Assembly, constitutes a security turning point in the history of secularism in France, estimates researcher Philippe Portier, author of "Religion in Contemporary France" (Armand Colin, 2021).

QUESTION: Why is the debate on secularism so strong in France?

ANSWER: "There has long existed in French culture a spirit, cultivated since the Enlightenment, which considers that religion is harmful for the emancipation of men and dangerous for public order. We have therefore rejected religion while other countries, often Protestants, have on the contrary accommodated religion with their institutions. In addition, our long colonial history, punctuated by the Algerian war, has contributed to our defiance of Islam. To this cultural background has been added , in recent decades, the rise in power of radical Islam and terrorism, and the terrorist attacks, all of which, after 2015, fostered the resurgence and amplification of a discourse of mistrust vis-à-vis religion. With an overbidding at the level of the political class to try to win what it considers to be the public opinion which demands more order and security and fears Islam. Mistrust vis-à-vis Islam feeds the debate on secularism, and deeply marks this project

and law.

QUESTION: How does this text change secularism?

ANSWER: This bill is clearly a turning point in the history of the regulation of worship in France.

The law of 1905 was a liberal regime: in order not to attack the Church, still influential, one had granted to the cults the freedom of association, appointment, organization, communication ... The text calls into question a whole part of this legislation and strongly nibbles these freedoms.

Like the freedom of individuals, with the extension of religious neutrality to formerly free spaces such as companies in contract with the State.

The text also strengthens control over non-contract schools.

As for religious associations - this is the most delicate point of the project - they will henceforth be subject to the authorization of the prefects, who will also be able to quickly suspend decisions by mayors deemed to be contrary to the values ​​of the State.

Secularism comes out of it profoundly transformed: it was based on a minimal intervention of the State which becomes maximal there.

We are moving to "security secularism", with fewer freedoms and a multiplication of controls.

QUESTION: Is this conception of "security secularism" shared, and can it prevail?

ANSWER: France, as with this text, tends to mix religious policy and security policy, something that other comparable countries do not do.

In Germany, the United Kingdom, the United States, we are also very attached to security, but they deal with things from (only) laws or regulations of security.

This new law also risks reinforcing among Anglo-Saxon countries, and among those of the Arab-Muslim zone, the criticism according to which France infringes on religious freedom, which has already been heard for 10 or 15 years.

In France, supporters of the law say they want to fight against pockets of religious proselytism that could form in associations or companies.

But those who work in the field, associations in particular, fear this text which wants to standardize everything while the problems only affect a very small minority, and could be resolved with the security laws in force.

We must also take into account the generational factor: the values ​​of tolerance and diversity are much stronger among young people than among older people, and we can therefore doubt that the former will defend the government on this law.

Interview by Emmanuel DUPARCQ

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