It must support his sovereignty
The disappearance of Iraq from the Biden administration's agenda is a huge mistake
Al-Kazemi, the first non-Islamist Iraqi prime minister since 2005. Archives
About a year ago, Iraqis took to the streets, demanding a better life.
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Last Thursday, Baghdad witnessed two suicide bombings in a crowded market, killing 32 people and wounding about 100 others.
The attack was the deadliest in several years.
This bombing, which occurred one day after President Joe Biden was sworn in, reminds that the dangers to the Iraqi state are real, and that the situation of this country is still unstable in several ways.
This attack draws attention to the fact that Iraq needs to be on the agenda of the Biden administration, although it seems that it is not a priority for this administration.
Given the strategic influence of the United States on Middle East policy, and the implications of the success or failure of Iraq on the US position in the world, the way in which Biden and his team will deal with Iraq will be the center of close attention in the Middle East and the world.
Critical period
Iraq is living through a critical period, as it prepares for the national elections next October, which could help the country finally get out of the grip of corruption and sectarian parties, or lose all the gains it has achieved so far.
Biden's team will enter the White House 10 years after the "Arab Spring", which Washington has not dealt with well.
In Iraq today, there is a nascent, but important movement among Iraqi youths to reject the political identity based on sectarianism, which has a bloody history, as a result of its exploitation to deepen the division between the religious and ethnic components of the Iraqi people.
If the United States resorted to old proposals that deepen sectarian divisions in Iraq as a way to govern the country, as Biden had previously suggested, the worst would happen in Iraq.
Therefore, Washington must support sovereignty, stability, and good governance in Iraq.
Iraq’s legacy
As is the case with Biden, many officials in the new administration possess a legacy in Iraq, as the new president visited Iraq several times, when he was a member of the US Congress and Vice President.
And when Biden was chair of the Congressional Foreign Relations Committee, he played an important role in giving President George W. Bush the mandate to invade Iraq in 2002. And in 2006, Biden wrote an opinion piece in the New York Times in which he proposed dividing Iraq into sectarian and ethnic regions.
Although sources close to Biden said he gave up this position long ago, he should cancel it immediately.
When Biden was Vice President, former President Barack Obama assigned him to oversee the Iraq file, and was widely considered at the time to be the kingmaker, when he threw all his weight behind former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki to rule for a second term in 2010. But at the same time, it was made. The Obama administration does all it can to ignore Iran's destructive interference in Iraq.
Biden is not the only one who has an important history in Iraq, and who remained silent about him during the campaign period. He nominated two people: the first is Lloyd Austin for the Ministry of Defense, and the second is Anthony Blinken for the State Department, and both of them know Iraq well.
Austin served as a general in the Iraq War in 2003, and then became the head of the US Central Command, where he oversaw the withdrawal of US forces from Iraq, and then their return in order to fight the terrorist organization "ISIS".
By appointing Barbara Lev as senior director for the Middle East and North Africa at the National Security Council, and Brett McGurk as coordinator for the Middle East and North Africa, Biden will have brought in two veteran diplomats who worked in Iraq to the top decision-making at the National Security Council.
Bring experience to the decision-making table
These officials bring their experience and personal relationships in Iraq to the decision-making table, but Iraq has changed radically since they worked in it.
The current prime minister, Mustafa Al-Kazemi, is considered the first non-Islamist prime minister since 2005. He is a supporter of civil and non-sectarian rule in Iraq.
Likewise, President Barham Salih is a supporter of non-sectarian rule, a progressive politician, and the opportunity to work with them should not be missed.
There is a narrow but important opportunity to radically change the course of Iraq, but that will not be easy.
Given that the elections will take place next October, the opportunity to work with Al-Kazemi and Saleh is limited, less than nine months.
With the upcoming elections and the formation of the government, corrupt militia leaders and Iran's proxies will do all their energy to keep parties, secular and progressive politicians from power.
To avoid this, the new US administration should have three priorities in Iraq:
First: The United States must not allow extremist elements to attack American interests in the country, which do not include the security of the embassy and US military bases only, but rather the stability of Iraq in general, including its government, the infrastructure and oil installations, and the borders with neighboring countries, especially the Kingdom. Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Kuwait.
The United States should support the current government, by enhancing its ability to provide security and basic services to the Iraqi people, and supporting civil and progressive governance so that they have more legitimacy.
Second: There is a struggle of ideas and ideals going on in the Middle East, and the United States is part of this struggle.
Whether in Lebanon or Iraq, the youth reject sectarianism, corruption and favoritism.
It was 30 years since the 1991 uprising, when Iraqis demanded change in their country.
And when this uprising was suppressed following the Desert Storm war, which was led by the United States to drive the Iraqi army out of Kuwait, the United States stood by and watched as thousands of Iraqis were killed.
About a year ago, Iraqis took to the streets, demanding a better life.
The United States must not stand idly by once again about the aspirations of Iraqis, but rather, it must help them to support civilian and progressive governance.
Third: Washington must confront the Iranian policy of expansion in the region by helping Iraq obtain its sovereignty and banishing foreign interference in it.
In fact, ensuring that Iraq proceeds steadily towards the status of a stable state and a neutral and effective player in the region is a benefit to US interests and a source of stability in the region.
The strange thing is that Iraq is not mentioned in Washington, although there is near-consensus that Iran will be among the foreign policy issues of the Biden administration, which it will work to address quickly.
However, treating Iran and its nuclear program in an isolated manner represents short-sightedness, as Iran's expansionist policies, especially in Iraq, are part of the problem and must be addressed and stopped.
During the ratification session in Parliament, Blinken said that the Arab Gulf states and Israel would engage in negotiations with Iran over its role in the region.
There was no mention of Iraq, although it is the center of Iran's expansionist ambitions in the region.
misunderstanding
There is a common misunderstanding that Iran has what it used to describe as a "natural role" in Iraq, whether it is due to cultural ties or Iran's ambitions for hegemony.
However, there is no reason for Iran to have a security or political role in other sovereign countries.
Undoubtedly, cultural relations are important, but the presence of a militia in Iraq affiliated with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, acting according to its orders, and crossing borders freely, is something that goes far beyond cultural influence.
Indeed, Iraq should not be viewed solely within the Iranian context.
The United States has a number of leverage tools that it can use in Iraq, as the perceived presence of Americans, whether it is the embassy or American soldiers, is required to show the extent of Washington's commitment and to help secure the stability of Iraq.
Apart from Iran's ardent allies in Baghdad, who wish to expel the United States out of Iraq, political leaders prefer the American presence to offset Iranian influence.
Even the cleric, Muqtada al-Sadr, who fought his followers against the United States, would prefer the American influence to remain in Iraq to avoid complete Iranian control of the country.
Another tool is sanctions that the administration of former President Donald Trump has repeatedly used.
These sanctions are an indication of whom Washington will work with and who it will not work with.
And anyone designated by the United States as a militia leader, his political ambitions could end and prevent him from entering the government and coming to power.
Iraqi politicians realize that the Biden administration does not have much time or resources to squander their country.
This is a concern for those who hope to see the United States play a role there and have close relations with Iraq. As for those who support Iran, and those who see the United States as a challenge to their plans, this is a welcome development, so we should not give them what they desire.
Mina Al-Oraibi: British journalist of Iraqi origin
Iraqi politicians realize that the Biden administration does not have much time or resources to squander their country. This is a concern to those who hope to see the United States play a role there.
Given the strategic influence of the United States on Middle East policy, and the implications of Iraq's success or failure on the United States' position in the world, the manner in which Biden and his team will deal with Iraq will be the focus of close attention in the Middle East and the world.
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