The New York Times: Could Trump's defeat mark the beginning of the decline of populism?

When the "populist" prime minister of Hungary - Victor Orban - finally joined the ranks of foreign leaders congratulating Joe Biden, he did not notice that the newly elected US president had defeated his friend, President Donald Trump.

The New York Times described this incident as a complete failure for Orban, who said he was still coping with the defeat of the "populist flag bearer in the White House", referring to Trump's loss in the US presidential elections that took place on November 3. This November.

The Hungarian leader had earlier admitted that he preferred Trump's victory in the elections, considering it a "plan (A)" for him, and he did not have an alternative plan or "plan (b)," according to the American newspaper.

The fate of populism is ambiguous

And since Trump's loss is a "painful defeat" for his populist allies, its implications for populism as a global political movement are shrouded in mystery.

That is because Trump, despite everything, received more votes than any presidential candidate in American history except Biden, which testifies to the attractiveness and entrenchment of his populist message.

According

- Mark Landler - and her correspondent in Berlin Melissa Eddy, the political grievances and economic and social troubles that have fueled populist movements and xenophobic tendencies in many countries are still alive, and their roots may have fueled the damage caused by the Coronavirus pandemic Novelty.

Social media has been spreading populist ideas, often implicitly, under the guise of conspiracy theories, with the aim of raising doubts about the scientific facts behind the outbreak of the virus or the legality of the electoral process that resulted in Trump's loss.

Be careful

Timothy Garton Ash, professor of European studies at Oxford University, was quoted by the newspaper as describing the recent US elections as "perhaps the most important in our life," but added that he was very careful about the fluctuating mood of voters and their belief that populism is over.

Ashe mistakenly believes the sharp mood swings that surrounded the recent US elections, especially after learning that more than 70 million voters voted for Trump.

It is possible that some populist leaders will exploit the effects of the Corona pandemic - such as chronic unemployment, insecurity, high public debt, and ethnic tensions - even if they themselves are the ones who have exacerbated the problems by reducing the severity of the virus and politicizing the response of public health departments to the epidemic.

Some of them tried to turn quickly towards the political reality that had arisen after the announcement of Joe Biden's victory.

The newspaper cited an example of this with the reaction of British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, who telephoned the president-elect on Tuesday to inform him of his aspiration to work with the United States on "our common priorities, from tackling climate change to strengthening democracy and reviving the post-coronavirus pandemic."

The New York Times: Boris Johnson tried to turn quickly towards the political reality that emerged after Biden’s victory was announced (Reuters)

Different roots

Despite all that is said about the populist wave sweeping the world after Brexit in June 2016 and Trump's election as president five months later, experts point out that populist and extreme right-wing movements in Germany and other European countries always had their distinct roots that preceded Anglo-American Diversity.

These movements varied in their strength and weakness, apart from Trump and his popularity, according to the New York Times.

In France, the leader of the far-right, Marine Le Pen, was crushed by (incumbent president) Emmanuel Macron in 2017, just as Trump reached the height of his success.

However, opinion polls today indicate that Le Pen is preparing to return in the elections scheduled for 2022, while Macron is besieged by the pandemic and is no longer very popular.

In Italy, the far-right parties built their political base by opposing the immigration coming to the continent from the south, a phenomenon that preceded Trump's ascension to power and will last longer than his presidency.

Fabrizio Toniello, a professor of political science at the University of Padua, says that Trump granted these parties legitimacy, but the US president’s "uncompromising" behavior and the election method based on the fact that the winner gets everything did not have much influence in the "anarchic" Italian politics that depends on Deals and settlements.

In Germany, Trump's "complex" legacy was evident when the right-wing "Alternative for Germany" party puzzled over how to deal with Biden's victory.

Trump's departure has had an effect

Andras Piro Nagy, a researcher at the Institute for Policy Solutions in Budapest, claims that Trump's departure from the White House will make life more difficult for Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and the rest of Eastern European populists.

But Nagy - as the New York Times points out - wonders whether Joe Biden will succeed in getting those leaders to change their positions.

"The easy days for leaders like Orban are over," he says. "The biggest challenge is that they will be under more pressure and they will have to pay more attention to policies that have not been subjected to oversight and review for the past four years."

The newspaper concludes that the critical importance of defeating Trump - in the eyes of some experts - is not whether it will bring about a change in the populists, but rather whether it will make their opponents bolder.