The announcement of a gathering of professionals - who led and organized the revolutionary movement in Sudan from the forces of "freedom and change" - the broad coalition - which was also unscathed by the cracks - raised questions about the cohesion and unity of the revolution forces more than a year after its eruption.

The gathering of professionals called the "mysterious entity" for a wide response from the masses of the Sudanese people, and was organized in mass demonstrations that, despite the bullets and security prosecution, managed to displace Omar al-Bashir's regime that dominated the government for three decades.

The professionals gathered with four opposition blocs - which include most of the parties of all different streams - to form a coalition of "freedom and change" forces that succeeded in bringing down the regime, to face, after a test, facing Sudanese urgent issues on the ground as a political incubator for the transitional government, which first requires political consensus To cross this stage to safety and prepare the country for free and fair elections.

The coalition of the forces of "freedom and change" managed to overcome a major obstacle in the march of the revolution by signing it after difficult negotiations, the constitutional document for the transitional stage with the military component represented in the security committee of the Bashir regime, which sided with the street's desire for change.

However, the coalition apparently failed to test the achievement of a political consensus among its components, which is an important unit not only to control the compass of the march of the revolution, but also to prevent any interference by the military that some parties have been using against each other, and from other forces lurking in the revolution, whether The former regime or countries that support counterrevolution and who spare no effort to thwart the revolution.

What are the challenges that surround the path of the Sudanese revolution and its living forces, and what are the causes of the cracks in the body and nature of the revolution forces, when did they start, and to what extent did they affect the performance of the revolution government and its political incubator?

June 30 rallies chanting pro-revolutionary slogans (Reuters)

Correct the path for what?
On June 30, mass demonstrations took place in Khartoum and other cities on the anniversary of rallies the same day last year to support the civilian component some of the security forces forcibly dispersed the sit-in in front of the army's general command, which continued after the revolution to emphasize civilization and complete the demands of the revolution.

And after a whole year, the title of the demonstrations last June 30 was to correct the course of the revolution, complete the transitional structures, hold those involved in the killing of protestors and demonstrators of the revolution accountable, and solve the intractable economic problems that still afflict the Sudanese citizen, accusing the Abdullah Hamdouk government of being slow to implement these demands.

The message of the demonstrators was to emphasize the choice of the revolution, but also and in a clear way that what was accomplished without the ambition of the street raising the slogans of the revolution in civilization, freedom, peace and justice.

The editor-in-chief of the newspaper, Al-Sudani, Dia Al-Din Bilal, told Al-Jazeera that differences between the forces of freedom and change have emerged since the negotiations with the military council, as tensions have emerged between the Communist Party and the rest of the parties.

Bilal saw that the agreement between the political forces within the coalition of "freedom and change" forces was to overthrow the regime, and he was able to accomplish this task with great merit, but when the moment came to share the spoils, the agenda arose despite the fact that there was agreement that the formation of the government is through competencies, and this was stipulated in Constitutional document. Now the struggle between these forces has returned to positions and quotas in the government.

The result of this - according to Bilal - was that these forces, despite their revolutionary momentum, lost their connection to the street, and the evidence for this is that we did not find a leader of one of the forces of change joining the masses, and none of them came forward to address the protesters during the June 30 demonstrations.

On the other hand, the leaders of the "Freedom and Change" forces acknowledge that there are differences within the ruling coalition, but they say that this is normal in light of a coalition that includes all the currents of party life in the country.

But it is unnatural - according to observers - to have cracks and divisions in the body of this alliance entrusted with translating the desire of the masses to complete the requirements of the revolution and turn it into policies and programs of action.

Muhammad Naji Al-Asam, icon of the revolution and the most prominent leaders of the former leadership (Sona)

What is the reason for the conflict of professionals?
The latest manifestation of the cracks in the body of the revolutionary forces was represented in the announcement of the gathering of professionals - the entity that organized the revolutionary movement - its withdrawal from the "Freedom and Change" coalition after the election of a new leadership that was not recognized by the previous leadership.

Observers believe that the gathering of professionals - which includes professional unions for doctors, lawyers, journalists, and teachers - has departed from its primary role, which is to build unions, and dominated its political work performance, which led to the emergence of differences between its internal political currents, something that appeared in the recent secretarial elections that the previous leadership saw as taking place In favor of one stream, the Communist Party, which led the first to not recognize these elections.

Even before last May's new secretarial elections, there was a discrepancy in the currents within the professionals' group regarding the performance of the transitional government, between a revolutionary current that puts the government and its political incubator forces of "freedom and change" under pressure, and another called "a soft landing group."

In what appears to be a response to the failure of the "Freedom and Change" coalition of forces to demand the new secretariat of the Professionals Caucus to include the new representatives of the assembly within its structures, and to keep the alliance on the former representatives, the secretariat announced its withdrawal from all existing structures of the Coalition for the Forces of Freedom and Change.

The new secretariat of the Professionals Caucus receives the support of 11 of the constituent entities of the assembly, while six entities support the dissidents (the previous leadership) headed by the Physicians Committee and the Lawyers Alliance, the Teachers Committee was divided between the two currents, and the Central Committee for Medical Laboratories chose to stand neutral. Among the most prominent leaders of the former leadership, Muhammad Naji Al-Asam, is one of the most prominent icons of the revolution.

Riot forces near the Omdurman parliament building during the June 30 demonstrations (Reuters)

The cracks .. Has it spread to the broad alliance?
The division in the caucus of professionals is but a microcosm of the tensions in the broad entity, the alliance of the forces of "freedom and change" which includes alongside the caucus of professionals three party alliances: the forces of "Sudan Call", the opposition federal gathering, the forces of the national consensus. Collectively, these powers include the mosaics of political parties from right to left, passing through the center, along with the Revolutionary Front alliance that includes armed factions, as well as civil society organizations, and the differences between the politically charged currents within this entity are the reason for the tensions within it.

Is the coalition restructured?
The National Umma Party, led by Sadiq al-Mahdi, which is one of the main forces in the "Sudan Call" coalition, has announced the freezing of its membership in the "Freedom and Change" alliance, and the Revolutionary Front froze its activities early in the alliance.

Last week, the Umma Party announced its opposition to the list of governors announced by the Prime Minister because of what he described as exceeding the criteria, and called the six governors from the party that included them in the list to not accept the mandate.

Al-Mahdi announced the freezing of his party’s activity in the "Freedom and Change" coalition (Al-Jazeera Net)

The possibility of forming a parallel alliance
The caucus of professionals did not stop not recognizing the structures of the forces of "freedom and change" but rather signed a political declaration in Juba with the Popular Movement - North led by Abdel Aziz Al Helou, according to which they agreed that Sudan is an independent, civil, democratic, pluralistic, and decentralized state. Separation of religion and state.

According to a prominent leader in the Professionals Caucus, it is not unlikely that the group would initiate an alliance with the popular movement led by Hilo and the "Sudan Liberation Movement" led by Abdel Wahid Nour, two movements outside the structures of the forces of "freedom and change".

A member of the Professional Council of Al-Waleed did not rule out the possibility of an alliance with the National Umma Party, and revealed to Al Jazeera Net a prospective meeting between the Professionals Association and the Umma Party, where each party will present its vision to reform the Alliance of Change.

Al-Walid says that the gathering of professionals aims to restructure the forces of "freedom and change" with the same components, while adding new components topped by these two movements: the popular movement led by Helou, and the "liberation of Sudan" led by Nour.

He points out that there are components that are signatories to the "freedom and change" charter and are not represented in alliance structures, as well as non-signed entities such as the Popular Movement faction al-Hilu, and they are ready to sign the coalition charter provided that specific details are added.

The Hamdok government, has it created a favorable climate for its opponents?
The failures of Hamdok’s government, especially in addressing the difficult living conditions of the people and its call to bring in a new UN political mission in Sudan to support the transitional period, presented a fertile climate for supporters of the former ruling National Congress Party to correct sharp criticism of the government and its political incubator, the Alliance of Freedom and Change.

The dissolved party managed to assemble its ranks, and its leaders organized to address its bases through a live broadcast on Facebook, and it was able to organize a number of demonstrations against the government’s policies, and to demand its downfall in what was known as the Green March. The security authorities met this by arresting a number of the organization’s leaders, foremost of whom is the new party leader, Professor Ibrahim Ghandour, and the party leader in Khartoum State, Anas Omar.

The extent of the risk of countries supporting the counter-revolutions?
The risks to the revolution are not represented by its opponents at home, but also by the countries that support counter-revolutions in the Arab world. The UAE and Saudi Arabia have worked to strengthen relations with the military leaders of the new regime, even though they were the closest allies of the Bashir regime that drove his country's forces into the Yemen war to serve the goals of the two countries, but they He turned his back on the madman when he did not comply with what they asked him about his foreign relations, especially after Al-Bashir agreed with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to develop the port of Suakin on the Red Sea.

The UAE’s attempts not to win the leaders of the military council were not limited, but it deliberately penetrated the Sudanese political forces, and the American New York Times reported last year that five Sudanese forces, including a number of armed movements, visited Abu Dhabi for talks to persuade them to join a military-led government.

The UAE and Saudi Arabia also announced Khartoum's support for $ 3 billion, but the resigned Sudanese Finance Minister Ibrahim Al-Badawi said in February that the two countries had not provided $ 2.25 billion remaining from the grant they had promised.

The UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Anwar Gargash acknowledged his country's interference in the current events in Sudan, saying that the region faced much of what he described as total chaos and said that it does not want more of it.

Egypt also initiated early alliance with the military council without dealing with the revolutionary forces the other side in the Sudanese equation, as observers say in line with the approach taken by Saudi Arabia and the Emirates with the Sudanese revolution.

Observers believe that this is a mistake committed by Cairo because it is considered a natural extension of Sudan and has long-term strategic, economic and security interests with it. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia and the UAE do not have long-term strategic interests with Sudan, and their interest stems primarily from their desire to expand their influence in the Horn of Africa and to fight political Islam that was represented by the Bashir regime and considered it a threat to them, so it is unclear whether Gulf interests and Egyptian interests in Sudan will intersect The long-term.