A year later, Hong Kongers still demonstrate against "Beijing's stranglehold"

Protesters participate in a candlelight vigil to mark the 31st anniversary of the crackdown on Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1989 in Victoria Park, Hong Kong, June 4, 2020. REUTERS / Tyrone Siu

Text by: Christophe Paget Follow

The Hong Kongers are again on the street. A year ago, on June 9, 2019, they had been more than a million (240,000 according to the police) to demonstrate against the “extradition law”, which would have authorized Beijing to take anyone arrested on mainland Hong Kong territory. This demonstration announced others, which ultimately led to the withdrawal of the text. The mobilization continued, however, only stopped last December by the coronavirus. But today and despite the health risk, Beijing is again mobilizing the Hong Kongers against it with its "security law".

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Withdrawal of the bill and police violence

The first demonstrations against the extradition law had started in March 2019 with a rally by the pro-democracy party Demosisto (created after the “Umbrella Movement” of 2014) in front of government buildings. From there, they slowly gained momentum, surpassing the one million people on June 9 (240,000 according to the police), unheard of since 1997 and the retrocession by the United Kingdom of the semi-autonomous territory in Beijing. . But the head of the Hong Kong executive Carrie Lam does not falter.

On June 12, the demonstrators prevented examination of the text at second reading and were violently dispersed by the police who used tear gas and rubber bullets - a shock for Hong Kongers who were not used to it. On June 15, Carrie Lam announced the suspension of the bill, which she did not withdraw. Unacceptable to protesters, who continue to demonstrate in the hundreds of thousands.

In early July, LegCo, the Hong Kong Parliament, was briefly occupied by protesters. On July 21, men suspected of belonging to the Mafia and acting on behalf of the police attack the demonstrators with sticks in the Yuen Long metro station. In the following weeks, violence became more frequent, with accusations of police violence reinforced by images and videos circulating on social networks.

A general strike, very followed, was organized in early August. For several days, protesters occupy and block Hong Kong International Airport . Protesters now have five demands: complete withdrawal of the bill, creation of an independent commission of inquiry into charges of police violence, withdrawal of the qualification of "rioters" (which is punishable by ten years prison) for the demonstrators, an amnesty for those arrested (more than 9,000 to date), the establishment of universal suffrage.

On September 4, when Carrie Lam announced the withdrawal of the bill, it was too late: the demonstrators wanted the chief executive to also respond to their four other requests, which she refused to do.

The demonstrations continue, despite the arrests: the movement has learned the lessons of the “  Umbrella Revolution  ” in 2014. The arrest of its leaders had beheaded the old movement, the new claims to be without it.

Pro-democracy MPs win local elections

On October 1, during demonstrations accompanying the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China, a police officer fired a live bullet at a teenager. And nearly 270 people are arrested according to the Hong Kong Free Press website, a record since the movement began. Carrie Lam prohibits the wearing of masks in public places, an order that will not be followed by masked protesters since the beginning of the movement to protect their identities.

Local elections are held on November 18. They will attract a record number of candidates and registrants, and the pro-democracies win them handily with 17 of the 18 district councils. The pro-Beijing camp is experiencing its worst defeat. The head of the executive Carrie Lam then undertakes to "  improve the governance  " of the executive, while continuing to oppose a refusal to the demands of the demonstrators: for her, this vote means that the Hong Kongers want to return to normal life. The protests continue.

Covid-19 and national security law

In January, the first cases of coronavirus appear in Hong Kong: it is one of the first territories affected after mainland China. But the epidemic was quickly brought under control: to date, only 1,000 cases and four deaths have been recorded. Public gatherings of more than four people are prohibited, which is a halt to demonstrations which after ten months still did not run out of steam. Some rallies still take place, but then explains to RFI the pro-democracy deputy Fernando Cheung , the police use the prohibitions related to the coronavirus to disperse them. Arrests continue, with those in mid-April of 15 pro-democracy activists for their participation in protests banned in August 2019.

At the beginning of May, clashes oppose the pro-democracy and pro-Beijing MPs over a bill repressing all contempt for the Chinese national anthem: a text seen by the opposition as a new means of muzzling all dissent.
It is in this tense context that Beijing tabled in the Chinese Parliament its "  national security law  " for Hong Kong: a text aimed at punishing "terrorist" activities, subversion or even foreign interference in semi-autonomous territory - for the past year, Beijing has seen the hand of "foreign forces" behind the demonstrations.

In fact, Hong Kong should have passed such a law itself. In any case, this was provided for in the mini-Constitution put in place when the United Kingdom returned the territory to China. But in 2003, the Hong Kong government tried to pass a national security law and half a million people took to the streets to defend their freedoms (guaranteed by the concept "One country, two systems" and according to them put Endangered by the text. The project is put aside. But today, Beijing intervenes directly, persuaded according to the newspaper South China Morning Post that the Hong Kong Parliament will not succeed in passing this kind of law itself "  because of the  current political climate .

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The bill is necessary to protect national security and to punish "  violent political elements  " according to Carrie Lam, the chief executive. Its chief of security affirms, him, that “  terrorism develops in the city  ”: a demonstration has just gathered (on May 25) thousands of people opposed to the text.

Tiananmen

Despite the assembly restrictions due to the coronavirus, the movement seems to be starting again. Especially since, for the first time in 30 years, the police had prohibited the vigil organized every June 4 by the Hong Kongers in tribute to the victims of the repression on Tiananmen Square in 1989. However, there were thousands to brave the ban, organizing rallies in several neighborhoods and converging on their traditional assembly point, Victoria Park. But we were far from the gatherings of previous years. And on the same day, the Hong Kong Parliament adopted the text criminalizing any contempt for the Chinese national anthem.

The national security bill must be drafted by the Standing Committee of the Chinese Parliament. It could be adopted at the end of August, and incorporated into the mini-Constitution of Hong Kong before the parliamentary elections (expected for September on the semi-autonomous island). The question is whether by then the protest movement against "Beijing's stranglehold" will have really resumed.

A young pro-democracy activist testifies

Justin, a young pro-democracy activist aged 24, is torn between anger and disillusionment.

RFI: What hope did you have when you joined the pro-democracy movement on June 9th?

Justin: I wanted to fight for our freedoms and the autonomy of Hong Kong. Hong Kong is Hong Kong because of its legal system, independent of that of mainland China. The bill that the local government wanted to impose on us at the time made it possible to extradite dissidents to China and directly threatened this legal independence. Our main goal was therefore to fight this law.

Since then, the movement has radicalized and there have been violent clashes with the police. Are you one of the frontliners and therefore of those among the demonstrators who think that violence has become the only way to be heard?

There have been chaotic situations. At first, we did not expect to face the police directly. But unfortunately, I have sometimes found myself on the front line in clashes with the police. I was in front of putting out tear gas canisters, but I never participated in the Molotov cocktail jets. When the protesters radicalized, many Hong Kongers had mixed feelings and wondered if it was the right way to go. For decades, we were all supporters of a nonviolent struggle. But we realized that it didn't matter how many Hong Kongers took to the streets, whether one or two million, the authorities didn't care. So I think we need to step up our actions to show the world that we are unhappy with our government which is not meeting our expectations. That is why we had to act.

Under pressure from the street, local government chief Carrie Lam had to withdraw the extradition law. But today, Beijing imposes other laws in Hong Kong, such as that which criminalizes any insult to the Chinese national anthem or that on national security which aims to prohibit terrorism, secession, subversion and foreign interference. . Are you worried that Beijing will nibble on your latest freedoms one by one?

We have already lost them. The national anthem law has passed and the national security law will also come. The fact that the Chinese Communist Party can impose a law on Hong Kong is proof that China completely neglects our own legislative system: any law should normally be debated and passed in our local parliament. This is no longer the case and it therefore means that our freedom and our independent legislative system are already destroyed. I have read that unions have organized a survey on the national security bill. The government considers this poll to be a threat to national security - this proves that we have already lost our freedom of expression.

China undertook, in the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, to respect the autonomy of Hong Kong until 2047 after the British surrender of the territory in 1997. This model guaranteed Hong Kong unknown freedoms on the continent . Has this promise been betrayed by Beijing?

Absolutely. Already in 2003, China wanted to pass its national security law, in defiance of the two-country model. Today, the Chinese regime is imposing this security law by clearly violating the Sino-British declaration.

Do you intend, despite everything, to continue your fight for democracy or do you sometimes feel a sense of disillusionment in the face of China's growing hold over Hong Kong?

I have been pessimistic since the first day of my engagement. I did not even expect that we would succeed in repealing the law that allowed extraditions. It is a great and unexpected success. I did not expect any victory. But it is my responsibility to make my voice heard. If I don't do it now, in a few years I won't be able to look at myself in the mirror. We have to stay engaged. I will therefore continue to protest, even if it will be increasingly difficult. The situation has changed a lot. Last year we protested the extradition law and our target was the local government of Hong Kong. But today, we realize that the Hong Kong government is nothing more than a puppet from Beijing. Our opponent now is China. We must continue to tell the world that we will not resign ourselves, despite everything.

The UK has announced that it will offer 2.9 million Hong Kongers passports and British citizenship. Are you thinking of moving to live elsewhere?

I never wanted to leave Hong Kong. It's my native country, I grew up here, my family and friends are here, my culture too. Even today, my friends and I are still discussing our professional projects, which we want to achieve here. But truth be told, Hong Kong is no longer Hong Kong. Everything has changed in the past year. So, we are forced to think of a way out. I understand that many of my friends are considering going into exile. Me too. Fortunately, I was born before the handover in 1997, so I can renew my British passport. I'm in the process of doing this. When the situation deteriorates even more and Hong Kong is completely under Chinese control, I will leave the territory to live in the United Kingdom or elsewhere.

During demonstrations, you always hold up this sign: " Support Hong Kong ". What do you expect from the United States and Europe ?

I am very grateful for the support we have recently received from Western countries, from their criticisms of China. I did not expect such loud speeches. This can put pressure on China and perhaps even force it to revoke the national security law. Furthermore, international support will make it clear to all Hong Kongers that we are fighting for a just cause. The international community can no longer ignore Hong Kong, this highly developed, modern and democratic city. If it can happen here, it can happen elsewhere. We then say to Great Britain, France, Germany and the United States: 'Your freedom is not obvious, one day you can lose it.' It is for this reason that I am so grateful that many Western countries support us.

Interview by Heike Schmidt

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