● Is there an unwelcome young man, Kim Hae-young, a

member of the Democratic Party, who does not sell Roh Moo-hyun and does not mention Moon Jae-in? Kim Hae-young is like that. In his few interviews, the names of Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in rarely appear. When asked who the politicians you admire, he said that there was no such person. Why doesn't Moon Jae-in or Roh Moo-hyun appear in the mouth of a young politician from Busan? There is no personal meeting with President Roh Moo-hyun, but not with President Moon Jae-in. When he was a lawyer in Busan as a judicial training student, lawyer Moon Jae-in came to the office every day to write a book called 'Fate'. Lawyer Moon Jae-in gave warm advice to junior lawyer Kim Hae-young. If it is a relationship with the most powerful person, it is easy to pack a single fold in ten layers and wrap it up, but he doesn't dare to do it.

The general elections for the April 15th election include 11 pictures in all, except for one family picture, and the remaining 10 are all pictures of Hae-young Kim. There may be a picture of shaking hands with a president, a celebrity, or someone he knows from foreign countries. His face also appears in photographs where several of the same people from the government's questions, the standing committee of the National Assembly, and the top committee of the party can appear at the same time. All other characters are either obscured or erased. It's not just pictures. No other politician's name is listed on his campaign flyer. There is no party commitment. There is no rhetorical expression such as the success of the Moon Jae-in government. It only contains the story of Hae-Young Kim. Is this a coincidence?


This is not the only 21 promotional material. The same is true of his 20-year-old general gift. At this time, except for the three photos taken with the voter from the ten photos in the booklet election publication, the rest of the photos come out in full. Others never appear in his promotional material. The other person's name itself is not even in the 2016 official elections. Political tycoons such as Kim Dae-jung, Roh Moo-hyun, and Moon Jae-in also failed to take a place in his publicity. Only Kim Hae-young exists. As a politically rookie with a low reputation, he may have emphasized the relationship or relationship with a strong man, but he has been filled with the spirit of challenge to compete only with his own name.

It is no coincidence at this point. I asked if there was any intention to make such an election brochure, and the answer came back without a moment.

"Politics do not think going to geotyiji not putting his name to sell someone else's name naesewo friendship with another person. Like to know just where their Will I receive the judgment of the voters is not lawmakers,"
the student movement and the distance meoleotgo Busan democratic movement forces This form, which has no excessive relationship, can be said to be a basis for doubting loyalty in the Democratic Party and the progressive camp.

He did not hesitate to write in the ruling party in important political situations, including the situation in his homeland, and his comments became a hot topic each time. There was no one who objected to his remarks, but the media used to encourage his courage in response to him. After he failed, he was surely a man with all the elements that suited the taste of the press, as he saw requests for more interviews and the lines of his saddening stories.

After his 20th general election victory, his political life was a victory. He was the youngest of the 20-elect Democratic District electors. It was one of the surprises of the 20th general election that he defeated candidate Kim Hee-jung, a former re-elect with a spectacular career. He won the first run in Busan's Yeonje-gu, where the Democratic Party is weak and has strong conservative colours, so that he couldn't have had two candidates. Two years later, he was elected as the top member of the ruling party. It was an unstoppable move to hear that it was going too well. This achievement was worth evaluating in that it was not obtained by leaning on someone else's shoulder.

He failed to reelect in the 21st general election. Just as his election was a surprise, his failure was also a surprise. Compared to an unknown newcomer four years ago, the general election conditions were incomparably good. Mayor of Busan and Mayor of Yeonje-gu belonged to Democratic Party such as Kim Hae-young, and the people who nominated with their own hands were city councilors and councilors. Four years ago, he was an unknown newcomer to the central politics, but now he was the top member of the ruling ruling party.

Why did he fall? Assemblyman Hae-young Kim, his staff, and Democratic Party officials did not deny that there was a problem with the management of the district. Kim Hae-young was concerned that the neglect of the management of the district would be reflected as if she was lazy. While staying in Seoul, he seemed to have no idea of ​​the virtue of laziness, as a rule of thumb to leave the office at 7 in the morning and leave at 10 at night. The question of whether the district official was neglected may sound uncomfortable to him.

"I don't think it's personally neglected. I'm confident that I worked hard on my own. The number of trips to and from Seoul and Busan over the past four years has been 504 times. I've been working hard in the district. It's true. I thought it was an old politics, but I'm not sure if that is a neglect.


The Democratic Supreme Council is held three times a week: Monday, Wednesday and Friday. Kim Hae-young hardly fell into this. Even if you go to the district after the Supreme Council's Friday, you have to return to Seoul for the next day's meeting on Sunday evening. Moreover, Kim Hae-young's attendance rate was 96.8%, the highest among the members of the National Assembly. In order to properly function as the chief committee member and work as a member of the National Assembly, it would have been difficult to find a district and to organize and operate it in that region unless there were two bodies. Moreover, the district is the most distant Busan from Seoul. They may not have noticed that saying that it is difficult to see a face in Busan because you are good at Seoul.

From January of this year, I tried to put the top priority on everything in the district activities. This time, the coronavirus caught the ankle. Coronavirus prevented direct contact with voters and glowed red on Kim Hae-young's reelection. Kim Hae-young may have felt impatient at this time. Competitors were deeply rooted in the area and had been smashing the bottom for years. He forgot that elections weren't just looking for names, but Busan was different, but it was the base for conservative taxes, and his district had high support for the opposition in Busan, as he couldn't get a candidate for the mayor twice. It could not be.

It is also possible to find a bigger cause of Kim Hae-young's failure. The disappointment of the residents in Busan over the stagnant economy in the Busan area, which is seldom showing signs of recovery, and the problems of the new airport in Gadeok-do, was the common reason not only for Kim Hae-young, but also for the Democratic Party candidates in Busan. The 180-seat remarks by the chairman of the Roh Moo-hyun Foundation, which broke down in the final election, can be said to have stimulated conservative voters in Busan. Hae-young Kim, who fell by about 4,000 tickets, could have explained his failure with these things, but he did not mention them. Just as success was due to one's own abilities, failure is only because of one's lack. Anyway, he failed.


Kim Hae-young has elements that the media will like. After repeating all majors and enrollment, the story of graduating from high school after four years, and when entering high school grades at the last level of the school, when he was formed in a job class, not a college class, he devoted himself to studying for three months before college entrance exams and went to Pusan ​​National University Law School His teens and twenties, including the story of having lived at home with a younger brother, a father who had been suffering from cancer for 5 years, studied the exam, and the father who wanted to pass his strabismus, passed the strabismus immediately after his death. Full of human victory elements. It is a great blessing for a politician, who has grown up in a difficult family environment and a difficult environment that seems to be difficult to say, but does not feel the shade. Even after appearing after removing the parliamentary badge from the collar shortly after his failure, he did not seem to be depressed at all.

One of the reasons the media is paying attention to him is that he is a small-scale, long-standing member of the ruling party. Whether it's a feeling of cheering for the minority, or trying to use Kim Hae-young's voice to cultivate critical opinions about the ruling party, it is true that Kim Hae-young has received favorable comments from conservative media, not to mention progress. At times, I even thought that the media might have fallen for him. His words did not go against the public's eye level, and his sense of bursting the words the media wanted was timely.

This may be his makeup or a painted face. Perhaps there is another face he doesn't know in the media, so voters with a much sharper touch than the media may have sharply pursued his illusions. He said the right thing, was sincere and diligent. That is what the media's general assessment is, and figures related to his legislative activity. The failure of Kim Hae-young reminds me of a lot with the failure of Geum Tae-seop. It is also true that the media's evaluation and the voter's evaluation are inconsistent. This is something journalists should look back on.

He expressed the feeling of the outsider of the local politician.

"One of the things that surprised me when I was elected in my twenties and joined the National Assembly is that I am the first to see the elected members of the National Assembly except from Busan.

Would it have changed now after four years?

I asked him how many people shared political views, but no cool answer came out. I said a few people's names, but it seemed hesitant to say their names. I haven't seen him stand side by side with anyone at the National Assembly for four years, or anything that solidifies, joins forces with anyone or acts in any group. When Geum Tae-seop was in trouble and Jo Eung-cheon received intensive saturation inside and outside the party, he had never been told that he was active and helped or reached out to help.

Some of his political comments, noted by public opinion, were his own actions. It wasn't a close consultation and organized action with colleagues. His comments were applauded, but sporadic. When he was attacked by supporters of the avid Democratic Party, were there many fellow members who supported and defended him? Have the members of the bitch ever been actively defending him? Has there been a voice from the senior politicians of the Democratic Party advocating and encouraging him as a valuable political asset to the Uri Party and a talent to secure the future?

On April 20th, Kim Hae-young read the prepared text again and again.

"Even if 99 people say 'yes', they should be able to say' no 'to the wrong place without delay.'"
It is the lawmakers of the National Assembly that clearly express their thoughts and opinions without being discouraged by players. "
"I want to be a parliament that does not remain silent in order to ride on the mainstream, but strongly checks those with power and serves the socially weak."

At the ruling ruling party's top committee, where excitement in the election did not go away, Kim Hae-young's prepared remarks could sound like a resound in the feast. How desperate was Kim Hae-young thinking and saying this? Was the frustration he felt in the Democratic Party so great? When asked why he made the remark, he explained that it wasn't just for Democrats. He said he wanted to say this to all the elect and political aspirants beyond W.

As I listened to his explanations, I was overwhelmed with the thought that a politician with a face like this tomcat could be a much more radical person than I thought. In fact, he has never raised his flag high over the past four years, nor was his speech or action radical. There were no lawmakers raising his voice in the political sphere, especially in the Democratic Party, so I thought his common-sense remarks sounded great, but it might not be.

It is clear that the object he dreams of communicating is not limited to a particular faction or a specific generation. The reason why he did not actively seek solidarity in the Democratic Party was because he thought that the politicians who were discussed in a bundle seemed to have the same color on the outside, but the fact was that the texture was different and the roots were different.

The parliament asked the parliamentarians to empty the parliament hall's room by the 15th. Kim Hae-young's office also seemed busy in preparation for moving. It would be painful to prepare for a move, or to clean up the burdens where it was not necessary to move. You will be spending time realizing the failure again and again. Pain begins after the anesthesia is released. Election enthusiasm, excitement, cheers, deep sighs, and tears make the pain momentary. After the tears have dried up and the greeting is over, it is the beginning of full-fledged suffering. There is no pain in his bright face. Every day, every moment will be a time of pain and frustration.

It may be a little comforting for him to ask for an interview from the rushing media after a failed election, but the media is always a whimsical hunger for new characters. I will not keep an eye on him for a long time. His true consolation is junior politicians who see him as the rider of youth politics. As in the 21st National Assembly, so far, each party has given some young people a badge of parliament as if they were giving benefits. Can people who came to the National Assembly with the virtue of the party, not their own power, become self-sustaining? There are not many people who think that the path Kim Hae-young has followed is the way they should go. This is the reason why junior politicians who chose Kim Hae-young, who was the most respected politician, appear.

The next four years will be a time to demonstrate his political potential and to verify the size of his vessel. Voters will decide four years later whether he was a shiny star or a giant giant bud. If he gives a name to the politics he dreams of and fills himself with content that fits the name, four years outside the home for this radical young politician could be a time of promise.

(Photo = Yonhap News)