In the latest presidential debate on Democrats, presidential candidate Andrew Yang declared, "We are on our way to losing the arms race in the field of artificial intelligence in the interests of China." As a guide, he pointed out that Beijing has acquired vast amounts of data of great importance, as well as investing in research and development in this field. It seems that Yang and others, led by the National Security Committee on Artificial Intelligence, which released its interim report to "Congress", last month, are right about China's current strengths in developing artificial intelligence, and the serious concerns that this trend should raise in the United States, but Framing progress in the field as an "arms race" is wrong and counterproductive. Instead, Beijing is actively seeking to use artificial intelligence for military purposes and for technological surveillance that violates human rights, so Washington must find its way to dialogue and cooperation on these Technical, to N practical and precise combination of competition and cooperation would serve US interests better than adopting an approach «arms race».
Power balances
It is not surprising, then, that the idea of competition between great powers has revived the balance of power, and artificial intelligence has become part of the "race" discourse. The Americans are told that China is advancing in this area, to the point that the United States will be left behind soon. Like fears that surrounded the economic advancement of Japan in the 1980s, or of the Soviet Union in the 1950s and 1960s, concern about technological dominance reflects a lack of confidence in the United States about the country’s economic, military, and political prowess.
Artificial intelligence, as a technique, does not naturally fit into this framework, nor is it a strategic weapon. And despite claims that he will change almost everything in future wars, and despite his potential ultimate potential, it is only possible that, in the foreseeable future, this intelligence will gradually improve existing platforms and unmanned systems, such as drones, and performance in battlefield. However, it is important to ensure that the United States outperforms its competitors and opponents in military and intelligence applications in relation to this technology, but these applications are only one component of artificial intelligence development, and should not dominate the entire U.S. approach.
Driving does not mean winning
The subfield of this intelligence, which is machine learning, has a promising future, a wide set of tools for statistical capabilities and methods, and a set of technologies that help develop a lot of things. It is not clear what exactly the "win" in the "race" of artificial intelligence will constitute.
The National Security Committee is quite right that "developments in the field of artificial intelligence are inseparable from the emerging strategic competition with China, and developments in the broader geopolitical landscape."
America's leadership in this field is essential, but it does not mean winning, however, maintaining excellence in this field is necessary, but it is not enough. Real global leadership requires formulating rules and standards for applications of artificial intelligence in a proactive manner, and ensuring that its benefits are spread across the globe, widely and fairly, and competition between great powers must be worked out, as it could lead to a catastrophic conflict.
This requires US cooperation with friends and even competitors like China. Here, it is believed that the important aspects of the National Security Committee's observations on the latest AI report received very little attention.
First, the committee notes, the official US dialogue with China and Russia on the use of artificial intelligence in nuclear command and control, military applications, and the safety of artificial intelligence mechanisms can enhance strategic stability.
Second, the cooperation of Chinese and American researchers, engineers, and companies, as well as a bilateral dialogue on rules and standards for developing artificial intelligence, can help relieve tension and increased competition in the US-China relationship.
Finally, there is a much greater barrier to sharing essential artificial intelligence elements, such as data, programs, and building artificial intelligence, to meet common global challenges, if America sees artificial intelligence as an arms race. And despite the increasing commercial and military demands for artificial intelligence, the demand for societal symptoms, including tackling climate change, improving disaster response, enhancing response capacity, preventing epidemics, managing armed conflict, and assisting in human development, all remains without the level. These areas will benefit from multilateral cooperation and investment, led by the United States and China.
The AI race is grabbing headlines, but the unrestricted US-Chinese rivalry carries a risk of pushing the United States and the world onto a dangerous path. Washington and Beijing should recognize the fault of an arms race that includes artificial intelligence, in which there are no winners. Instead, they should lead both (Washington and Beijing) by taking advantage of technology to stimulate dialogue between them and enhance practical cooperation to confront the many forces that separate them, to the benefit of the entire world, in this process.
Real global leadership requires framing
And standards for artificial intelligence applications in a way
Proactively, ensuring that its benefits are spread throughout
The world, wide and fair, must also work
To pacify the competition between the superpowers.