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Javier Melero EFE

Melero reviews in a book the tensions and 'backings' of the 'procès'. Despite not being independentista, the defendants 'commissioned' his defense

Turull, Forn, Borràs ... So are the 'indepe' children of those convicted by the sentence of the process

Javier Melero (61) is not an independentist. However, he was part of the Defense in the trial of the procès, who sat on the bench to the Catalan independence leaders.

The lawyer of the members of the Mesa del Parlament Lluís Corominas, Ramona Barrufet and Lluís Guinó and also of the former consellers Joaquim Forn and Meritxell Borràs, publishes a book that tells the internal 'intrigues' of the procès . The commission, a lawyer in the trial of the procès (Ariel) moves Melero's conversations with the independence circle, with judges, people from the administration of the Generalitat ... to describe the environment prior to the 1-O referendum and its subsequent consequences.

Melero has defined himself simply and simply as a lawyer. "I do not represent any group, or any Government, or any people. I am a lawyer."

With this decisive statement, the lawyer tries to express in the book the independence of the legal organs and to demonstrate that he can exercise his profession impartially and from the most absolute political remoteness. How could he explain if not that those accused by the procès chose him for his defense in the Supreme Court?

Before the arrival of the trial, Melero had been taking over the defense of Convergence for over twenty years. In addition, he was a friend of Jordi Pujol and a lawyer for his son Oriol. Not in vain the first lines of the book are dedicated to the honorable former president molt: "Actually, it all started long before the trial, and surely it all started with Jordi Pujol. What happens is that Pujol had endorsed the motto of Baruch Spinoza, cautious (be cautious), and the waters did not overflow in excess under its aegis. Later, Pujol was no longer in a position to recommend caution to anyone. That in the event that he had wished to do so, which, despite my Frequent conversations with him, I'm still not clear. "

From left right Jordi Sànchez, Jordi Turull, Josep Rull, Oriol Junqueras, Raül Romeva and Joaquim Forn

Pujol told Melero, he explains, that "it was nobody to comment on what those who had government responsibilities were doing." After his statement in July 2014 about the accusations of treasuring a hidden heritage, Pujol turned away from any type of media focus. It was time to judge others.

Lluís Corominas, a member of the Bureau of the Parliament, makes it an 'order' to Melero that immerses you in the procès: attend a conference on criminal risks associated with the referendum on October 1, convened by the PDeCAT. "Lluís Corominas, my friend for years and deputy of the party, proposed and defined the terms of the intervention I expected: -There are many municipal and Administration positions that are concerned and we would like to convey peace of mind; and that they can do the queries that they think about what can happen to them with the referendum, so you explain to them ...- I explain what you want, "I said," but that this will convey tranquility and I see it more difficult. to explain criminal risks, because they are explained. But you can't fool anyone. "" No, no, nothing to cheat. But not to alarm unnecessarily. "

At that time, Lluís was accused of a crime of disobedience and Melero did not agree with the defense strategies proposed by other lawyers. "The defense of Mas in the 9-N trial had made two things clear: that the courts were not going to seek the most favorable interpretation of the law and, on the other hand, that the costs of the conviction of a Charismatic politicians were perfectly acceptable to the State. But Catalonia was condemned and not burned, although of those dusts, the muds that followed. "

Melero attended the conference to which Corominas invited him and tried to explain the possible crimes that certain public officials would face in case of carrying out the referendum. "With the intention of going from more to less, I started with the rebellion, describing the definition of the Criminal Code, its consideration of the use of violence and the purpose of achieving secession of a part of the national territory. Soon the laughter began and the jocular comments. The military terminology of the code writing sounded to the public rather than strange and, apparently, from that strangeness it was relatively easy to move to a certain hilarity. "

Lluís Corominas had spoken with Melero of his accusation for disobedience and in that context the following conversation took place: "-We already have the drafting of the referendum and legal transience laws ... -And now?" I asked. we will vote. "" But you don't see that all this is a nonsense and that they are going to creak? "" We groped ... What will happen once we vote, nobody knows. "" Those laws are going to be suspended by the Constitutional Court, "I insisted," and they will charge you with another disobedience. "" It's the same, the idea is to move on. "" But the idea of ​​who? You too? "" Yes, yes, mine too. "" You look like Stalin's army, in which it was more dangerous to go back, because yours were shot, than to move towards the Germans. "

'The order' (Ariel) goes on sale next Tuesday, November 26

1-O occurred. Then they would come on October 10 and 27, the day of the alleged declaration of independence. The citations of the National Court, the Supreme Court, the complaint by rebellion of the State Attorney General ... and the escapes to Belgium would follow. The last train for the political solution had departed on the 27th, with the declaration of independence put to the vote in the Parliament.

When the arrests of the members of the Government of the Generalitat took place, Melero describes his doubts: "Arrived here, to my amazement at the succession of events and the changes in the personality and political character of these people, I wondered if not point should give them a reason; if, although excessive in his methods, there was no reasonable motivation for everything they did, and if its purpose was plausible, all procedures being reprehensible ".

The skepticism was extinguished when these same people presented their recurring argument: "-In Canada and Scotland you vote. -In its legal framework. Change the legality by also legal methods. The cause of Spanish liberalism has always been common throughout Spain: from the Catalan deputies in the Cortes of Cádiz who, in addition, had a very important role. Spain, in addition, is a country with self-esteem so low that the day less thought you convince them, at least to a qualified majority. of democracy, and it 's a feeling. " And ends (or begins) Melero: "And as for feelings of mine, this is where we usually leave."

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