Torra wants the nuts

We are in one of the moments of the fight between the State and the independence movement and, naturally, everyone is on the nerves. The events take place as planned by the Government, which is not equivalent to saying that I can control them. Puigdemont and his people know that they will have few opportunities like this to bring together the social base of secessionism to the detriment of ERC and, in addition, they try to provoke some kind of international reaction beyond pubertic sympathy for romantic adventures.

There are two novel phenomena. The first is the emergence of high intensity violence. The low one had been chosen by separatism to complete its postmodern coup, the fortunate expression with which Daniel Gascón titled his essential book on the process . Point to the adversary, mark his trade with paint, lynch him in the nets, insult him on the street, expel him from social life, make him uncomfortable everyday until the authorities are forced to escort him are infamous aggressions, but little scandalous.

The revolutionaries of the smiles believe that the pros (intimidation and decapitalization of the constitutionalist parties) rent more than the cons: adverse propaganda.

But a lollipop rebellion, like the one that with great success raises independence from international public opinion, is less compatible with the image of a hooded man blowing a policeman's head.

Here, the postmodern coup also adopts classic features. Overflowed by the brutality of the protesters, the propaganda machinery of Puigdemont and Torra is focused on spreading before theirs and foreign media that only the National Police acts harshly. It's hard to find videos of Mossos uploads even though they are the majority.

On the other hand, the president takes advantage of the tension scenario to present himself as a negotiator. The radicals move the tree and he tries to collect the nuts, that is, the vows. Arzalluz School. Thus, it narrows the space to an ERC to which violence disrupts its strategy before autonomous elections. Let them tell Rufián , a hall anti-system booed by street antisystems.

Because that is the other unpublished element: the elections. Pedro Sánchez has underpinned his post-judgment strategy on the two weaknesses of Rajoy's 1-O management: caring for the external image and a contained attitude of the Police. In both it is regular.

The Electoral Board has annulled its campaign because it was not the image of Spain that it promoted, but that of its Government. And the impunity with which the Borrokas pounce on the agents is one step away from generating the collective feeling of humiliation that, in the end, was the tomb of Rajoyism .

The PP tries to reconcile a certain image of loyalty to the Government with electoral criticism. The initiatives proposed by Casado to tighten the response in Catalonia do not seem effective in the face of the riots, but they do serve to ensure that the voter does not forget that Sanchez was president thanks to the votes of those who start cobblestones and govern dozens with them of town halls. The duration of the street rampage has become the key factor of the campaign.

According to the criteria of The Trust Project

• ERC
• National Police
• Mariano Rajoy
• Pedro Sanchez
• PP
• Catalonia
• Quim Torra
• Carles Puigdemont
• Violence Catalonia
• Proced judgment

Judgment of the 'procés' The hydra of independence

Judgment of the 'procés'Protestas in Catalonia: Demoliciones Torra SA

Editorial Neither impunity nor recklessness