After six months of protest in Algeria, the "revolution" in deadlock

"This is not a protest movement, it's a revolution that shook Algeria," said Farid Alilat, journalist at Jeune Afrique and specialist in Algeria, in an interview with France 24 when he wears a look at the six months of events that have capsized Algerian power.

>> To see: "Algeria: return on the key dates of the mobilization"

The popular movement is launched February 22, place Maurice Audin in Algiers. Born of exasperation after the candidacy of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika for a fifth term, it has continued to grow despite the renunciation of the head of state. Neither Ramadan, nor holidays, nor even the hot weather has got the better of the people's determination. It must be said that after 25 weeks spent pounding the streets in the capital and major cities of the country, the protesters were galvanized by beautiful victories.

Highlights of six months of protest in Algeria

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Battles

The first of these remains the resignation on 2 April of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, in power for 20 years. At 82, the one who thought it unbeatable bends under the pressure of the street after six weeks of peaceful protest and opens the way to a long period of political instability.

The second trophy remains what Farid Alilat calls "the departure of the 'Issaba'" [the 'Bande' in French, Ed]. Previously untouchable figures - businessmen, army figures like General Toufik, ministers suspected of having maintained corrupt ties for decades - fall and end up in prison. Among them, no less than two former prime ministers, Ahmed Ouyahia and Abdelmalek Sellal, incarcerated in El-Harrach awaiting trial. Others give up power, such as the president of the Algerian Constitutional Council, Tayeb Belaiz, or Mouad Bouchareb, president of the National People's Congress.

But beyond resignations and serial arrests, the people have won even more. "Over the weeks and the dismantling of the system, the Algerians have reclaimed the public space that had been in the hands of the government for two decades.In Algiers and throughout the country, the nation became aware that it could claim the change peacefully. " As a direct result, the Algerians have also resumed their taste for political action.

Another undeniable achievement, the "Hirak" ("movement" in French) also allowed the people to come to terms with its flag. For six months, the protesters flaunted in the streets of the country in the colors of the green and white emblem of the country, stamped crescent moon and star. "On the facades of buildings or wrapped as in a coat, the protesters have proudly brandished the banner of the nation", symbol of a returned pride, notes Farid Alilat.

Finally, the massive mobilizations favored the feeling of national unity, breaking down the divisions between the generations, the sexes or the origins. "Berbers, Kabyles, Chaouis, Terguis, etc., all marched side by side to claim the same thing: the radical change of power." And to continue, "the revolution was not the fact of a political party, of a social organ but of a whole nation mixing young, old, men, women, workers, students ..."

For Louisa Dris-Ait Hamadouche, professor of political science at the University of Algiers, "the awareness of what is now politically unacceptable, the raising of aspirations to a new level (...), the conscience of power of mobilization "are also part of the great advances of Hirak.

The impasse

But the gains stop there. To date, it seems that both parties are deadlocked. For General Ahmed Gaïd Salah, army chief of staff and strongman since the departure of Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the "fundamental demands" of the movement have been "entirely" satisfied. In other words: the demonstrations are no longer justified.

The authorities have since pleaded for the organization of a presidential election to elect a successor to Bouteflika. The only solution, according to them, to leave the country of institutional impasse born of the impossibility of organizing the vote initially scheduled on July 4, lack of candidate.

The power has therefore entrusted the task of an advisory body to define the terms of a presidential election, but the designated panel struggles to build legitimacy with the protesters, who every Friday conspire.

"Everyone agrees that the path of dialogue is the only one to overcome the current situation," repeated Monday, August 19 in a message broadcast by the public media President Acting Abdelkader Bensalah, rejecting implicitly any other solution.

Exit the previous "appeasement measures" he had promised the consultative body to study to make it easier for him. First, the release of prisoners of conscience, like veteran Lakhdar Bouregaa, 86 years old. Arrested by the special services on June 29 because he openly criticized the power, the latter is now accused of participating "in a demoralization of the army aimed at harming the national defense and a body corporate. ".

Then dozens of protesters also languish in prison for brandishing the Berber flag, Amazigh, during weekly marches.

Finally, the exclusion of the process of dialogue of the parties of power such as the FLN and the RND. All these demands were categorically swept away by the army.

The street, imperturbable, therefore stands on its positions. The protesters call in unison the total dismantling of the old system, for the benefit of organs of "transition", the establishment of new institutions and the departure of the power of all those who accompanied and supported the former president Bouteflika .

We can not say enough how the formula "Algiers, mecca of revolutionaries" sounds better and just since February 2019. But it would be even more accurate to say that all the cities of Algeria are mecca of revolutionaries.

The future

The Algerian government and people seem irreconcilable: "They are advancing each with opposite roadmaps, and in these circumstances, it is difficult to predict what will happen to the situation in the coming weeks," Farid Alilat said.

Some still advance the hypothesis of a brutal intervention by the army, recalling the riots of 1988 that had resulted in the multiparty system or those of 1992, during the interruption of the electoral process to prevent the victory of the Islamists in the legislative elections. An unlikely outcome according to many observers.

One thing is certain: "The challenge is likely to resume with the return to social, believes Farid Alilat, it is in September that we can judge the extent of the movement."