Saudi Arabia has replaced an extremist model in the relationship between the ruler and the ruled by another extremist model, according to an article by Ryan Paul.

The author warned that Riyadh is adopting an excessive nationalism as an antidote to repair the strained relationship between its rulers and governors, after the debilitation of its major religious and economic pillars.

While Saudi Arabia is adjusting its social contract by turning to nationalism and moving away from religion, it is taking away influence from religious extremists who have long been a necessary feature of its reputation and security, according to Ryan Bohl, an analyst at Stratfor, a private intelligence firm based in Austin, Texas.

New style
In his article, Bohl argues that Saudi Arabia, by adopting this approach, promotes a "new pattern" of extremism based on "excessive patriotism," arguing that this trend poses a real threat not only to its reputation, but also to its mentally independent Gulf neighbors and aspects of its "sensitive" relations with the West. .

In his article, the American political analyst says that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and his exaggerated aides in their nationalism, such as former adviser to the Royal Court Saud Al-Qahtani and his clients at the Center for Studies and Media Affairs, are waging a far-reaching campaign against activists, academics, influential and public figures for a rapid transformation in The social contract towards nationalism or nationalism after it was based on religion and tribe.

Bohl notes that the old loyalty of the religious establishment has strengthened the relationship between Saudi society and the monarchy.

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Excessive nationalism
Nationalism is a relatively recent concept in Saudi Arabia. Her former kings regarded her as a "serious passion" against the monarchy and a champion of Arab nationalism adopted by former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser.

However, Saudi Arabia is now adopting the concept of excessive patriotism to strengthen its social contract, according to the author. Closely related to this is an excessive nationalist movement of mostly young men who “roam” among foreign social media.

Bohl believes that these young people are helping to shape the Saudi narrative of events and to define new red lines that Riyadh must consider when drawing its policy.

Stimulate tension
In 2018 alone, they fueled tensions between Saudi Arabia and Canada, cheered the arrest of Saudi human rights activists, praised the mass executions of political opponents, gave reasons for the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, and raised tensions with Iran.

According to the writer, these "national fanatics" have proved that they pose a threat to the reputation of Saudi Arabia and its policy in the pursuit of attracting foreign investment and the maintenance of strategic alliances.

The Saudi nationalist fanatics have shown toughness towards some of the Gulf's neighbors, such as the Qatar siege.

Bohl expects the Sultanate of Oman and Kuwait in the future to be angry with Saudi nationalists, noting that Sultan Qaboos bin Said, in particular, will be under pressure from Riyadh.

Kuwait, which has a protracted border dispute with Saudi Arabia, will have to deal with Saudi fanatics' interventions in a way that has never been present.

The author concludes that the allies of Saudi Arabia may discover that the more entrenched national nervousness in Saudi Arabia the minds of its officials closed.