On August 14, 2013, many of the victims of the largest massacre in modern Egyptian history were killed, their bodies crossed through their killers to higher positions and some were overlooked, while some leaders of the sit-in fled from the unknown to death.
Initially, the signal made by a meeting of a number of actors at this time was on a table full of political, military, executive and legal advisers, and ended with the decision to crush the sit-in.
Six years after the massacre, it seems that the only winner was incumbent President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi. What is the fate of the other partners in the decision of the massacre, as well as the leaders of the sit-in?
Since the military coup led by Sisi when he was defense minister in the summer of 2013, power in the country has been based on two wings, the civil front and its military counterpart.
The carnage decision meeting was chaired by Adly Mansour, president temporarily appointed by the military council, following the coup against the late President Mohamed Morsi.
Mansour came from the Presidency of the Supreme Constitutional Court to issue the decision of the massacre, and then handed power to the then army commander and the president of the country later (Sisi) and then went into hiding.
Ali Yasar Mansour Prime Minister Hazem Beblawi sat after the military coup that remained in office after the massacre until he was sacked in February 2014, to be used by the patron of the coup and financed by the UAE adviser to the Arab Monetary Fund in Abu Dhabi, and continues to praise the government's harsh economic measures against Egyptians .
At the same table, Minister of Justice Adel Abdel Hamid sat down, and once the massacre ended, he rose to another massacre in the corridors of the judiciary, referring to the authority of anyone who doubts his sympathy with the Brotherhood.
Despite these efforts, he was removed from the chariot of power, tried to ride again through the gate of the elections and his electoral list fell to the lists of security services that occupied most of the seats.
There is also the interim Vice-President Mohamed ElBaradei, who agreed to the decision to disband, and then was appalled by the facts and submitted his resignation, to wash his hands from the blood of the victims. He left for Austria to comment from time to time on the current events via Twitter, and become criticized both times as a traitor and a client in the eyes of the Authority, and sometimes as a partner in the bloodshed in the eyes of opponents.
Command to the military
Unlike the civilian façade, the actual leadership of the security and military commanders was there. The then chief of staff, Sedki Sobhi, succeeded Sisi as defense minister.
Sobhi did not know that the constitutional prerogatives granted to the post of defense minister - including fortifying his position from isolation - are for Sisi himself, and not for the position itself. This was confirmed when he learned from the media of his dismissal in violation of the Constitution.
Sitting next to him at the massacre table, then chief of military intelligence Mahmoud Hijazi, less than a year after the massacre was approved, he was given a higher job grade as chief of staff to succeed Sobhi.
Although he was also a son of Sisi, he received a surprise in late 2017.He was surprised to be sacked on his return from the United States.His son wrote tweets that observers said he was fired for objecting to some of Sisi's policies.
Former intelligence chief Mohamed Farid Touhami, who was dismissed by Morsi from the administrative control, was the first appointed after the coup, where he assumed the presidency of the General Intelligence, to attend the measure of the massacre and continue in his position for a year and a half, and then suddenly said without giving reasons, except for some explanations of health problems with it.
There is also the Interior Minister, Major General Mohamed Ibrahim - who was appointed by Morsi to maintain security in the country, and the security situation has escaped to the maximum extent - and his first degree in promotion after the massacre of the mouth of the professor of jurisprudence at the University of Al-Azhar Saad Hilali, which Sisi described as messengers from God.
But Abraham was no better than his predecessors. Sisi fired him before the second anniversary of their massacre, when the minister was visiting a central security camp in Suez east, and was surprised by the humiliating dismissal as observers.
In explaining the reasons for the dismissal, newspapers close to the regime said that suspicions have surrounded Ibrahim since he was appointed to the ministry under the Brotherhood, and that he was not enthusiastic about serving the new regime.
At the edge of the massacre table was the head of the National Security Agency, Major General Khaled Tharwat, who took office under President Morsi.Instead of his promotion, he transferred the new Interior Minister Magdi Abdel Ghaffar in 2015 to head a neglected sector called social security, which observers considered deportation because the new regime He doubted the loyalty of all who took office under Morsi.
However, the explanations attributed his removal to the existence of old rivalries between him and the new minister coming from the same security apparatus. In a subsequent change, Abdul Ghaffar decided to transfer Tharwat to economic security and was retired in 2017.
Leaders sit-in between execution and exile
On the other hand, 75 leaders of the sit-in are expected to be executed, led by Brotherhood leader Mohamed Badie and leaders of the Freedom and Justice Party, Issam al-Erian and Mohamed Beltagy, who lost his daughter in the massacre, Sheikh Safwat Hijazi and Abdul Rahman al-Bar, former youth minister Osama Yassin and former Brotherhood spokesman Ahmed Aref.
These names were among others in the Alliance to support legitimacy, including those who managed to escape outside the country, to try to exercise its political role amid fears of changing circumstances leading to his arrest and deportation to Egypt.
Among them is Tariq al-Zumar, the leader of the Islamic Party of Building and Development (PIJ), who is currently serving a death sentence in absentia. He is currently head of the Hurriyat Center in Turkey.
Among the prosecutors are the president of the Asala Party, Ihab Sheha, who is based in Turkey, and the head of the Fadhila party, Mahmoud Fathi.
The Islamic Party, its deputy, Magdi Salem, currently works in the field of human rights, while the head of the Reform Party, Attia Adlan, is a professor at a Turkish university.
Former Minister of Planning Amr Darrag heads the Egyptian Institute for Studies, and Professor Gamal Abdel Sattar heads the International University for Innovation.
In addition to the death sentences and imprisonment of previous names and others, the authorities placed them on terrorist lists and their money was confiscated in Egypt. Many of them are unable to leave their exiles, as their passports have expired and some have nothing to travel between them.