A human rights lawyer and senior researcher at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy think tank, Ghaith al-Omari is a recognized player in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, which has stalled since 2014.
A former Palestinian negotiator, notably at the Camp David summit and the Taba talks, and former adviser to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas until 2006, he was in Paris this week for the presentation of the "Whisper from Gaza" project in which he participated. It is a series of animated short films featuring testimonies of Palestinians telling their difficult daily lives under the influence of the Palestinian movement Hamas.
Former Palestinian negotiator Ghaith al-Omari on March 22, 2023 in Paris. © Marc Daou, France 24
The opportunity for Ghaith al-Omari to give an interview to France 24 where he addresses, in this first part, the difficulties and obstacles encountered by Palestinian youth in a context of economic crisis and political paralysis, both in Gaza and in the occupied West Bank. He also mentions tensions with Benjamin Netanyahu's government, the most right-wing in Israel's history, which for the moment exclude any hope of reviving the peace process.
France 24: The "Whispered from Gaza" project recalls the difficulties of daily life of Palestinians living in this territory controlled by Hamas and under Israeli blockade since 2007. What are the prospects for a 20-year-old Palestinian today?
Ghaith al-Omari: Today, in Gaza or the occupied West Bank, the situation is totally desperate for young Palestinians. Prospects are extremely limited for young Gazans. They have no options. The possibility of finding employment in this territory is non-existent, the economy having been destroyed because of the Israeli blockade but also because of the practices of Hamas. Today, if a young person – or an older person for that matter – wants to do business in Gaza, he must be either a member of or close to Hamas. If it is not, it has no chance of succeeding. That is why we see so many young people in Gaza taking huge risks to migrate via the Mediterranean Sea. Every day, or every other day, we hear about Palestinians drowning trying to reach Europe. Others decide to take up arms and join armed groups.
In the occupied West Bank, the situation is also hopeless. The economic situation is certainly a little better, as the territory is more open to the Israeli and Jordanian markets, but there are not many prospects either. The Israeli occupation limits economic development, while corruption within the Palestinian Authority also creates a lack of opportunities for the younger generation.
It is not only the economy that has died in these two territories, political life has also died there since there is also no space for political activism. According to a poll I recently consulted, 50 percent of Gazans believe they cannot safely criticize Hamas, and 50 percent of residents of the occupied West Bank believe they cannot safely criticize the Palestinian Authority. Palestinian political life was never democratic, but it was alive and active. Young Palestinians could join Fatah, small formations, and become politically active and important, and succeed. Today, this no longer exists, because this political space has closed. You cannot criticize the Palestinian Authority without going to jail. The same is true in Gaza with Hamas, as can be seen in "Whispered from Gaza." So when you don't have economic opportunities and you're deprived of political space, you end up desperate.
Does this young generation still believe in politics and democracy? You talk about despair. What needs to be done to give them hope?
If you look at the Palestinian public in general, today they don't trust anyone. Palestinians do not trust Israel's intentions to move forward, nor do they trust their rulers to improve their daily lives. This is the result of a combination of several reasons: the failure of the peace process, the failure and negligence of the leaders, and the closure of the political space. We cannot do anything for the peace process today because of what is happening in Israel, but we can do a lot for reform and governance.
First, the international community must resume taking action on Palestinians-Israeli relations, because Palestinian domestic affairs cannot be discussed without mentioning the Israeli occupation. The international community, with the support of Israel's new Arab partners, must exert pressure on the Israeli Government to take steps that will bring us closer to ending the occupation. It must also take firmer positions when some Israeli ministers, such as Bezalel Smotrich, who does not even acknowledge the existence of the Palestinians, make unacceptable statements.
Secondly, we must put pressure on the allies of the Palestinian leadership, both in Gaza and Ramallah, to free up political space for those who do not identify with them. As far as Hamas is concerned, we must look at its regional backers: Qatar, which is its main donor, and Turkey, its main political backer. Both countries are sensitive to European and American pressure, as Doha is an important trading partner of the EU and the US, and Turkey is a member of NATO. As for the Palestinian Authority, the international community must work with its Arab allies, Jordan and Egypt.
Finally, and thirdly, we must look at the economic situation and try to deal directly with the Palestinian private sector. We need to find projects on the ground that benefit a large number of Palestinians or projects that invest in the private sector to enable it to be independent and resist pressure from governments, which are often corrupt.
You have participated in several rounds of negotiations as a Palestinian negotiator. Would you tell a young Palestinian to always believe in the two-state solution, that is, a Palestinian state coexisting with Israel?
Yes, because there is simply no alternative to this solution. If we look at the nature and the very foundations of the conflict, we can see that it is a conflict between two national movements that have a very strong link with the same piece of land, and that also have a very strong identity of their own. Why was the State of Israel created? Because the Jewish people needed a country of their own, for their own security, but also in order to be able to freely express their identity. If you look at the Palestinians, you will see that they want the same thing. Their national identity and connection to this land is very strong too. That is why the idea of a single state is not a good solution. What would be its official language, Hebrew or Arabic? Would its flag bear Israeli or Palestinian colors? If you bring these two national identities together in the same state, they will not disappear. Simply, from a diplomatic conflict, you will move on to a civil war. If you unite Palestinians and Israelis in one state, you will have to destroy either Israeli identity or Palestinian identity, and neither solution is moral and none is realistic. In the end, only the two-state solution, where each nation can express its aspirations and identity, is valid.
The challenge today, since a two-state solution cannot be achieved because of the political weakness on the Palestinian side and the extremism of the current Israeli government, is to ensure, above all, that the possibility of a two-state solution remains viable and possible for future generations. That is why the issue of Israeli settlements is crucial. It is also necessary to ensure that the Palestinian political system remains intact. If it collapses, there will be no one left to talk to on the Palestinian side. That is why the Palestinian Authority must be reformed and hope in the validity of cooperation must be restored by encouraging joint economic initiatives and continuing security cooperation. Because in the end, we know that the State of Israel is here to stay and will not disappear, just as the Palestinians will not disappear either. So the only way to resolve this conflict is dialogue. Even if, today, it is impossible.
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