Guided by the principle “How else can you counter the world atmosphere?”, Warsaw began to insistently demand that Berlin pay reparations for the Second World War, estimating them in the amount of $ 1.3 trillion.

Arguing that the complete reconciliation of Poland with Germany is possible only when the Germans not only make symbolic gestures - these gestures were depicted by the kneeling Chancellor Brandt in Warsaw half a century ago - but also bring a worthy fruit of repentance, calculated in convertible currency.

You won’t pour a glass for thanks, but for $ 1.3 trillion it’s quite.

Moreover, as the gentlemen noticed, the amount itself is fu-fu.

Germany's GDP is somewhere in the order of $4 trillion, and Warsaw demands only a third of the GDP.

They'll pay, no big deal.

For some time, Berlin reacted to all these demands as an unfortunate joke.

Explaining that Poland refused reparations back in 1953.

And the argument that it was communist Poland and under the influence of the USSR, so, in fact, there was no refusal, is some kind of kindergarten conversation.

Nobody canceled the succession of Poland and today's Rzeczpospolita.

If the administration of Duda-Morawiecki and the invariable Kaczynski who stands behind them intends to cancel this succession, then you are welcome.

But it should only be borne in mind that then the agreements on Polish-German borders would also be null and void.

If there was no Poland, it means that there was no legally coordinated transfer of East Prussia (including Danzig), Silesia (the main city is Breslau) and Pomerania (the main city is Stettin) under Polish rule.

The Polish demand means that there is no peaceful settlement yet, and only the borders of 1938 exist, from which one must dance.

Churchill, arguing at Yalta with Stalin, who took a clearly pro-Polish position, including on the issue of borders, warned, referring to the acquisition by Poland of territories in the west with a six million German population, that “the Polish goose should not eat too much German food in order to there was no danger of indigestion."

Polish peristalsis, contrary to Churchill, worked properly for 77 years, but life has shown that there are no fortresses that the Polish lords could not take.

In the 78th year after the victory over Germany, German Chancellor Scholz hinted very politely, but also very transparently, that the question of East Prussia, Silesia and Pomerania could be reopened, although he, Scholz, would very much not like this.

The hint was announced in Potsdam at a meeting with the former Polish prime minister, and then an important European official, Donald Tusk.

“Looking at Donald Tusk, I would like to say how important the agreements concluded by Willy Brandt are that the border between Germany and Poland is fixed forever after hundreds of years of history.

And I don't want anyone rummaging through the history books now to make revisionist boundary changes."

That is, quite in the spirit of Arkady Varlamovich Velyurov: "Note that I did not propose this."

In the sense: "It may turn out that this will become inevitable."

And to complete the picture, this was said in the presence of a Kashubian, that is, a half-German, half-Polish Tusk, who enjoys the fierce hatred of the current Polish elite.

"Whoever says "Tusk" says "Satan".

Kaczynski should especially like this.

They said that the German Foreign Ministry was completely baked and was only able to silently wipe the spitting of imperious Ukrainian representatives.

There were a lot of spittles, and they talked about “offended liver sausage”, but when the Polish Prime Minister Morawiecki also decided to act in the spirit of the former Ukrainian ambassador Melnyk, it suddenly became clear that there was a limit to everything.

And the reciprocal slap in the face was inflicted with all the grace - directly, as in the best years of diplomacy.

And the slap in the face can become long-playing.

As soon as the pans again raise the topic of reparations, in Berlin they will again answer inquisitive questions about Pomerania and Silesia.

And judging by the fact that the head of the Polish defensive (National Security Bureau) Pavel Solokh entered into the dispute, who in a strict Chekist voice demanded from Germany an explanation for Scholz's words about the possibility of revising the border between the two countries (Solokh said that directly from the chancellor should sound "deep explanatory words," so that Poland's confidence could be restored), the offensive reached its goal.

As Prince Hamlet said, "the arrow hit the goat right in the f ...".

The picture of how the evil spirits beat with their chest in the chest can hardly sadden Russia.

And if in the current circumstances Poland did not exist, it would have to be invented.

The point of view of the author may not coincide with the position of the editors.