When you analyze the political trajectory of Pedro Sánchez, you have the feeling of a permanent flight forward. Each time he has encountered the rules accepted so far in the constitutionalist tradition of his party, instead of respecting them, he has decided to break them in order to gain his personal survival, the only project he believes in. His promises expire in hours, his affirmations lack value, everything in his speech is reversible based exclusively on the will to power.

Not a week has passed since the socialist candidate raised a moderate campaign - today we know that a liar - to grow towards the center, imposing a hard hand in Catalonia through the Prosecutor's Office and announcing the vice presidency of Nadia Calviño as a guarantee of economic orthodoxy. Once the polls have been opened and the loss of 750,000 votes has been verified, Sánchez makes the need a false virtue, turns radically and closes in record time a pre-agreement with his former antagonist, the one whose presence in a Council of Ministers caused him insomnia, now accepting him as vice president. The lightning maneuver has curdled so fast because both leaders wanted to cut off any external or even internal reproach to their respective electoral setbacks; and in the case of Sánchez, to shield himself against any pressure that threatened his position. With his embrace - all a symbol of the definitive podemization of the PSOE de Sánchez -, the acting president embraces extremism, with a subdued Federal Committee and outrageously mute baronies. Nor can Podemos have gone through the regulatory consultation of the bases: when it comes to storming the skies there is no time for formalities.

What was unacceptable yesterday for Sánchez continues to be today ... but not for Sánchez anymore. His career is a monument to cynicism. He took a cheater shortcut to take a doctorate; another to access the general secretariat; another to return to her when he was expelled for pretending to do what he announced yesterday; and he has taken the most fraudulent of all to bring his ever postponed investiture closer, although the Government of Spain must remain in the hands of ERC and Bildu, whose abstentions are necessary. That one convicted of sedition like Junqueras and another for terrorism like Otegi will have the key to governance draws a nightmare picture. More confrontation, more institutional degradation, more chaos.

Despite losing seven seats, Iglesias stands as the absolute winner of the electoral repetition. If this agreement is materialized in Congress, the next vice-president of the Government of Spain will be a fervent supporter of the right to self-determination, the nationalization of banking and strategic sectors such as energy and fiscal insumission to Brussels. As much as he promises loyalty to Sánchez, Iglesias will have a lot of power in the Cabinet, he will be able to distribute charges and place related ones and it will be inevitable that he develops client networks within the Administration. No wonder the Ibex reacted to the news collapsing.

Sanchez forced 10-N to eliminate Iglesias and Rivera, but only achieved the latter, subjecting Spain to an extreme polarization that has pulverized the center and shot to the radical right. With Vox as an alibi, he now tries to legitimize his Frankensteinian agreement, camouflaging with the euphemism of progressive what is nothing more than an operation of political radicalism unpublished in an Executive since the Second Republic. It is already ironic that "the band" that Rivera had prophesied in what then sounded like mere parliamentary histrionism now leads the way to consummate, just one day after the resignation of the orange leader. But those who will suffer such a governmental spawn, led by the less scrupulous politician of recent democratic history, will be all Spaniards.

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  • Spain
  • Vox
  • We can
  • Pedro Sanchez
  • Nadia Calviño
  • ERC
  • Catalonia
  • Bildu
  • Pablo Iglesias
  • Arnaldo Otegi
  • Oriol Junqueras
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