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Who brought the demonstrators in Egypt can control them?

2019-09-21T19:35:12.880Z


Parts of the reality of what is happening in Egypt unfold after demonstrations in different fields of Cairo and major Egyptian cities demanding the departure of General Abdel Fattah El-Sisi in power, in what appeared to be a response to the calls of the Egyptian artist and businessman Mohamed Ali.

From time to time, it is confirmed that those affected by Sisi's reckless and blundered policy are the password of the sudden, rather than qualitative, event; they are between politicians and civilians severely damaged by the general's decisions and actions to isolate or imprison, or confiscate political and economic life for companies Army, Parliament made, or otherwise.

Certainly, the most dangerous components of those affected by Sisi's presence in power are the statesmen of Hosni Mubarak, who have not died, and have tried to adapt to Sisi after the July 3, 2013 coup so that they become the state of the "new general" as they were his predecessor's state, but Sisi's actions and economic positions Politics could turn them into dangerous opponents.

Mubarak's statesmen, with their penetration into the arteries of the Egyptian state, are represented by many officers of the General Intelligence Service, senior businessmen, and some retired army leaders, as well as senior Egyptian bureaucrats of state employees, in addition to Al-Azhar and Dar al-Ifta, and the sons of Mubarak (Alaa and Gamal). ) And their footnote.

The second component is represented by senior officers of the Egyptian army, many of whom have been deposed, others were directed to non-military actions, and their former leaders were severely humiliated (for example, Sami Annan). The one-man policy seemed to be practiced with civilians, but with the military it was dangerous. .

I do not mean the one-man policy, which Sisi practiced against each other, merely to control the political organs of government, and direct them by individual decisions, and influence the decisions of Parliament and the positions of the judiciary; but I mean by the transition of Sisi to the civilian life in which he is head of state, did not diminish his intervention In the policy of the armed forces directly and in every small and large ones.

"
From time to time, it is confirmed that those affected by Sisi's reckless and blundered policy are the password of the sudden, rather than qualitative, event; they are between politicians and civilians severely damaged by the general's decisions and actions to isolate or imprison, or confiscate political and economic life for companies Army, Parliament made, or otherwise. There is no doubt that the most dangerous components of those affected by the presence of Sisi in power are the statesmen of Hosni Mubarak, who did not die.
"


With his eagerness to pull all the leaders behind him in every conference and symposium attended almost, and keen to appear uniquely distinguishes him from others, and deliberately directed the senior leaders in the army in front of the cameras insulting!

All this is added to the empowerment of those with loyalty guaranteed in the army and intelligence services, such as his son Mahmoud al-Sisi, and the tightening of control over the leaders, who seemed to not be assured of a sentence, and was famous that he was looking for these leaders when he collects them a place, and stripped them of their personal weapons, which is something Unusual of a head of state towards the "leadership" of his army at least.

The masses of Egyptian citizens are the first to be affected by the weight of the rule of Sisi and his iron fist, and his media attempts exposed and blurred to beautify his policies, as well as affected by the confusion of the state's economic and serious security, so that the citizen no longer finds the state only to restrict it in his life and freedom; A living saturation.

But the masses of the people in front of the security grip of the tyranny - with many and near painful memories - helpless and frightened, a natural feeling may postpone the outrage of tyranny, but does not usually abolish it. Here, those affected by Sisi's rule meet every degree and color.

Any rule has the potential to survive as much as there are powerful and beneficial factions, which the general has not yet realized. The meeting between the powerful and the many affected was translated on Friday (September 20).

Whatever the case, it is clear that there are those who have realized that preparing a mass scenario of shouting against Sisi has come, and that it does not require a great effort. Anger over the conditions of Egypt is suppressed in the breasts of millions, but only need to be assured that the tanks will not run over them, and that the live bullets They will not penetrate their chests or their heads, and the flames will not burn them in the fields.

The video footage posted by Mohammed Ali on the Internet, which was widely publicized, represented the match that was enough to ignite social networking sites against Sisi and his family (only), and then reassured that the police and army would not fire live on protesters. The Al-Mayadeen land is also set on fire, following the match between Al-Ahli and Zamalek, which usually has a huge public presence for two clubs with revenge at the regime.

Planning is clear, but it is not entirely clear what the purpose of such planning is.
We should not conclude now that the demonstrations that filled Egypt yesterday, of course, with its two motors, are to rid itself of al-Sisi. This is only a possible and powerful goal. The purpose may be to press him hard to change his policies, and to settle for Mubarak's role in running the state through his advisers. And let the army run its own business.

As well as allowing the private sector to exercise its economic role, which has emerged in the past; that is to live the general with his authority between the two countries benefiting his existence: the state of senior officers, and the state of influential businessmen, including tens of millions of marginalized.

The significance of this possibility is that it will control the extent of the political breakthrough that Egypt can witness following the current events. It may not include strong opponents who could threaten the regime through parliamentary elections, presidential elections or mass mobilization.

"
We should not conclude now that the demonstrations that filled Egypt yesterday, of course, with its two motors, are to rid itself of al-Sisi. This is only a possible and powerful goal. The purpose may be to press him hard to change his policies, and to settle for Mubarak's role in running the state through his advisers. And let the army run its own business. As well as allowing the private sector to exercise its economic role, which has emerged in the past; that is to live the general with his authority between the two countries benefiting his existence: the state of senior officers, and the state of influential businessmen, including tens of millions of marginalized
"


The possibility that the protests will be aimed at ridding Sisi once and for all will force the newcomer or newcomers to achieve a breakthrough of the same change, which will open dangerous doors that he and his men could touch at the heart of the corruption trial and the investigation of Egypt in the January 25 revolution. The second, the July 3 coup, the killing of innocent people (including former President Mohamed Morsi), and other very serious files. A possible new breakthrough could threaten the political future of the entire second coup!

It remains with us the question of these basic lines, and perhaps in practice more serious than the above: Can those who reassured these masses even came out screaming in the fields of the fall of Sisi can control the developments of their movement?

We may see part of the answer to this question in the events of the next few days or days, as we will remain between two possibilities:

The first is the satisfaction of the masses with a relative breakthrough and their acceptance of a functional role in favor of Sisi's strongest opponents. A common tone in the current Egyptian crisis is that of “living well”, that the January 25 revolution brought much trouble to the country, and that returning to Egypt 10 years ago is better than the unrest that could It is being carried out by the endeavors of complete reform.

Second : Extending the demands of the masses to basic files, including radical change and a return to the spirit of the January 25 revolution and its refusal to contain it, depending on the extent of the emergence of leaders and directors of the movement who can participate in raising public awareness on proximity and distance, as well as the emergence of the youth component of the Egyptian movement; Because violence against demonstrations in all its forms is very likely in this case.

Source: aljazeera

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