In the Weiss room N.2.1 at the headquarters of the

European Parliament

in Strasbourg, the vice-president of the European Commission,

Margrethe Vestager,

enters accelerated and, before the group of Spanish journalists ask her anything, she makes this declaration of principles about the plans of recovery presented by governments: "There are 750,000 million and it will be a critical mission of this

European Commission to

ensure that all the milestones and all the objectives that the governments have set for us become a reality. It is crucial that we guarantee the next generations that this money it was used well. "

Listening to the Danish liberal on the 14th, it would seem that the Government of

Pedro Sánchez can do its best.

It has promised to complete 85 reforms between 2021 and 2021 in exchange for receiving in the final stretch of this year the first tranche of aid, the first 10,000 million after the 9,000 million last summer as an unconditional advance.

However,

Sánchez is working on a good relationship with the European Commission, in particular with the president, Ursula Von der Leyen, so that the examination is not too strict.

In the 85 promised reforms, the Government put everything in and many are already completed, such as the creation of a committee of experts for tax reform or drafting a national artificial intelligence strategy. He even left the second part of the pension reform for 2022 - it is not being easy to carry out or the first - which is how to balance the spending committed in the first chapter, that of indexing them to the CPI. But he couldn't help having to promise labor reform by the end of this year. Finally modernizing the labor market of the fourth euro economy has become one of the trophies that the European Commission wants to achieve with the funds and Von der Leyen herself mentioned this in her speech in the debate on the State of the Union , in clear notice to sailors. The demand coincides with the fact that the second vice president,

Yolanda Díaz

, continues to disagree with the first,

Nadia Calviño,

on how to "modernize"

the Workers' Statute

and there is no prospect that

CEOE

could end up saying yes, which would be an alarm signal for Brussels regarding the scope of this reform.

The scenario is difficult for the Government, but it coincides with the fact that the European Commission has not yet entered the pressure phase, but rather wants to give good news such as the recent general approval of the so-called

Recovery and Resilience Plans

and its digitization and transition agenda. accelerated energy. Von der Leyen is pleased that "19 countries will return to pre-pandemic economic levels already this year." Spain is not yet among them, except according to Calviño, in the daily activity indicator that has been pulled from his sleeve to breathe optimism.

"The Spanish president is being careful until now, he is working hard on his relationship with the president and we will see what reforms he brings, but he is recognized here in Brussels that he is channeling

Podemos

without dangerously taking the agenda to the proposals of that party," he says to this newspaper a high member of the European Commission. The Community Executive is the result of an agreement between members of

the European People's Party

(to which Von der Leyen belongs) socialists and liberals with an agenda focused and allergic to Europhobic or Eurosceptic approaches of the European far right or populists of the far left. Outgoing

Angela Merkel's call

for the winner of the German elections not to agree with

Die Linke

, Podemos's ally in Germany, is widely shared in the European Commission. That is why it has been pleasantly surprised that Sánchez, in the first experiment in a great euro economy of governing with a political force of that color, is not pushing the economic agenda to the left until now, except for specific cases. One example is that in the labor reform chapter of the Spanish plan, the only thing that seems to be repealed is the socialist promise to repeal the

Mariano Rajoy

regulations

of 2012 in a clear nod to Brussels.

However, "the decision is firm and intelligent: whoever wants funds, must comply with the reforms," ​​they summarize in the environment of Von der Leyen. "For the first time we have an instrument so that the recommendations that we have been making for years are finally fulfilled," they add in line with Vestager's statement. For now,

the so-called frugal countries have begun to show their teeth (and it is a pressure for Brussels) in the debate on the reform of the fiscal rules of deficit and debt after the pandemic.

Austrian Finance Minister

Gernot Blümel

He was outraged by Sánchez and the Italian Prime Minister at the time, Guiseppe Conte, when they presented the package of new funds as that the EU was united even in debt, so he has promoted a letter from eight member states against softening the deficit requirements and debt as those of the South want. But he needs the government that comes out of the polls in Germany to share that vision. Therefore, a victory for the Social Democrat

Scholz would

breathe more oxygen into Sánchez in this phase of his increasingly complex legislature.

In non-economic matters, Sánchez has been successful in Brussels. On the one hand, the European Commissioner for Equality, the Maltese socialist

Helena Dalli,

praises the policies of the Spanish Government in her area. Also the conservative Health Commissioner,

Stella Kyriakides

, emphasizes the huge vaccinated Spanish population.

An important vice-president who, on the other hand, remains distant from Sánchez is the Dutch socialist

Frans Timmermans,

who does not hide that he still feels "disgust" for the Spanish decision not to support him until the end in his attempt to be the president of the Commission. instead of Von der Leyen.

It resists the request of the Spanish Government to reform the European energy market in the short term to alleviate the price of electricity in Spain.

This is Brussels.

It gives oxygen, but you have to earn it day by day and without skidding.

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