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How much the fight against the right has long since become a fight against the center could be studied after the clear defeat of Friedrich Merz in the second ballot for the CDU chairmanship.

The malice about the “Boomer” with “Privatflieger” and “Frauenversteher” (Höhö) was poured out equally in social and public media.

Merz's speech was poor (once again, when it came down to it), and his offer to join the cabinet as economics minister was not a really good idea.

But in the jubilation over Armin Laschet and the supposedly healing idea that everything could now remain as it is, a tone of bilious intolerance against everything that is suspected “right” of Merkel is mixed.

One last word on Friedrich Merz: It would have done Germany good as a business location, it would have been even more of a chance to turn the stumbling, radical AfD into bird shit in German history in this super election year.

But all the digitally motivated moral actors who always want to fight "fascism" have long since withdrawn the focus from the AfD and see their enemy - in their narrow, Manichaean denial of thought - in the middle, with the stoic, unbroken, sure-footed friends of freedom, whether they are organized in the Union, the FDP or, a few, with the Greens or the SPD.

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If it was really about a life-threatening blow against the AfD, Merz - grudgingly - should have hugged.

But it doesn't matter.

Laschet will have to ask himself one thing

Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, who was unhappy, was often underestimated and was never able to show her full potential, failed because of the Chancellor and her policy.

Merkel's Machiavellianism has taken them far from the base of the Union.

Armin Laschet, the mild and balanced one, is probably intelligent enough to study the failure of the AKK closely.

He will have to ask himself exactly why the young and up-and-coming in the Union were so for Merz - from JU boss Tilman Kuban to Philipp Amthor to huge talents like the head of the Hamburg CDU, Christopher Ploß, but also the last remaining one Economic liberals, Carsten Linnemann.

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These boys, who don't make a noise, who don't throw feces down from trees at police officers and who are not symbolically upgraded with visits in the Chancellery, know that the major modernization tasks of the country need a functioning market economy for their generation: be it digitization , the climate or the security of prosperity in the Federal Republic.

Armin Laschet governs solidly in NRW with a solid FDP, but the state is not a real innovation hub.

In addition to the increasingly depressing mental and cultural collateral damage caused by the lockdown policy, the economic misery of the vaccine, app and strategy failure will become visible in the final spurt of the federal elections in the second half of the year at the latest.

It will be an election campaign about the future way of doing business.

Who will be the Union's candidate for chancellor?

The CDU has elected Armin Laschet as its new chairman.

But is that automatically also the Union’s candidate for chancellor?

The decision on this has initially been postponed.

Source: WORLD

What is needed is that political ruse, which the jovial Aachener has in abundance, to communicate economically sensible things in a spoiled, compulsively moralizing media and pre-political space.

The cultural hegemony of supposedly left-wing, supposedly emancipatory milieus is also increasing because in the Merkel years of the Union every culture war was avoided.

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The interesting result is a terrifyingly right dystopia in the end: that of a presidential authority without alternatives in connection with a conservative fear of change and an extensive desire to restrict freedoms and act out intolerance.

The Chancellor only answers the "critical" questions posed by the state company Deutsche Bahn or its customer magazine and hooks herself with lockdown fetishists like Karl Lauterbach and "semi-authoritarian fantasies" (according to the "taz"!) Of the left ivory tower initiative "ZeroCovid " under.

The middle wants another country

Those who radically demand freedom of expression and freedom of movement and want to set tight limits to the state, which is overreaching in terms of both fiscal and everyday life, are infinitely less conservative than the current versions on the left of Merkel.

The sensible, motivated, enlightened center of the country wants more freedom and not narrowness.

And no society that hides in its fearful hunched over.

The middle class wants a different, more modern country where everyone gets their chance, but not with unconstitutional quotas.

The Union can happily leave the nostalgic post-materialistic degrowth conservatism to the Greens and the unimaginative social conservatism of the SPD and the left.

The digital party congress staged flawlessly by Paul Ziemiak and his team, but also the breadth of the party from green foreign politician Röttgen to economic thinker Merz, have shown what a union could be if it engages in progressive forms of inspiration and dialogue.

Strauss's dictum to stand at the spearhead of progress as a genuine dialectical conservative applies more than ever in disruptive times.

Armin Laschet is now standing on this gigantic cliff of contemporary history. He has a Herculean job ahead of him. But if he wants to write history, he has to envy himself for it. The clock is ticking. This super election year sets the course. And if you are honest and see the alternative of a green-red-red prohibition coalition, it's all or nothing.