Sayed Ahmed Al Khader - Al Jazeera Net

When I searched Google for the Attorney General of Saudi Arabia, I found at the first moment a dialogue that tells that he frequented the councils of King Salman bin Abdul Aziz before he took the throne, and that his personality was affected by his determination and determination.

On Sunday, Saud is the admirer of Istanbul to discuss with his Turkish counterpart the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in his consulate on October 2.

Khashoggi's body has not yet been found, while Turkish security leaks confirm that officers close to the Saudi crown prince have slaughtered him, cut his body and put him in sacks.

Given the horror of the killing and the complexities of the case politically, criminally and diplomatically, it is important to highlight the admirer and his use of this file and some of the issues that preoccupied Arab and Saudi public opinion.

Saud was born in 1966 in the Aflaj province south of the capital, Riyadh, and he says he likes to swim in the countryside. It is clear from his academic career that he obtained a bachelor's degree in Sharia before joining the judiciary.

The admirer occupied judicial positions, most notably the Presidency of the Personal Court of Riyadh and the membership of both the Criminal Court and the Supreme Judicial Council.

On June 17, 2017, King Salman bin Abdul Aziz issued a decree appointing Judge Saud as a deputy attorney-general.

The period in which the man was appointed in this high position was not normal in Saudi Arabia, where he witnessed the siege of Qatar and the rise of Mohammed bin Salman for the term of the Covenant after the isolation of his cousin Mohammed bin Nayef, in addition to the associated prison of many princes, preachers, writers and businessmen.

The functions of the Public Prosecution in Saudi Arabia include the disposition of criminal cases, the prosecution and investigation of crimes, the representation of public prosecution before the judiciary and supervision of the execution of judgments.

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The luxurious prison
In early November 2017, Saudi authorities arrested and imprisoned 11 Emiri men at the 5-star Ritz-Carlton in a campaign Riyadh said was anti-corruption, with several reports saying it aimed to overthrow those who posed a threat to the young crown prince.

While the Crown Prince and his adviser, Saud Al-Qahtani, dealt with the political aspect of the campaign, the Attorney-General had to appear in her criminal case, issuing statements accusing the detainees of corruption.

The Saudi press praised the statements made by the Attorney General, stressing that those arrested in cases of corruption "will not receive any special treatment and will be treated according to the law."

But the public prosecutor, who is deeply influenced by the king's personality and is deeply saddened by the Crown Prince's confidence, has not brought official princes and defendants a formal charge, but has legitimized a deal with them: release them for billions after losing their jobs and influence in the face of their cousin who is running towards the throne.

The public prosecutor did not explain why the senior detainees were hosted in one of the world's most luxurious hotels, while ordinary citizens were thrown into prisons behind the sand.

In early September 2018, the Saudi Attorney-General shocked the world by calling for the execution of the center-right preacher Salman al-Awda, and charged him with 37 counts of terrorism and extremism.

In addition to the return, the admirer demanded harsh sanctions on advocates and writers whom Riyadh accuses of extremism and contacts with outsiders, while leaks confirm they were arrested because they were silent when they wanted power to speak spa and chat for Qatar, Turkey, Al-Jazeera and the Muslim Brotherhood.

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The Palace neighborhood
Because the admirer Saud dared to confront public opinion by demanding the execution of an unarmed caller known for his status in society, sending him to Turkey to discuss Khashoggi's case is surprising, at a time when Saudi Arabia needs those charged with cruelty to its citizens and brutalizing them behind bars.

In a tweet on Twitter, Abdullah bin Salman warned that the man Saudi Arabia sent to Turkey over the killing of Khashoggi himself had demanded that his father be executed.

Regardless of whether the admirer behaves with the inspiration of the palace or of his conscience, his handling of Khashoggi's case was confused, hurried and even contradictory.

Until now, the Turkish Attorney General has not issued any statement on the case of Khashoggi, although he spent 26 days looking for buildings and cars and requires and investigates and tracks flights and hotel reservations.

On the other hand, the Saudi attorney general did not open an investigation into the case and did not comment on it until after the Kingdom admitted Khashoggi's murder inside the consulate in Istanbul.

After political recognition and in less than 72 hours, the Saudi Attorney-General issued a statement on the killing, its nature and causes, identified the perpetrators, arrested them and charged them.

It is only a coincidence that the Attorney General's investigation was completed before the 72-hour deadline granted by Washington to Riyadh to identify those involved in the murder of a journalist who entered his consulate to obtain a paper to complete his marriage to a woman who was waiting in front of the building.

But the confusion of the prosecution in Saudi Arabia did not stop there, but changed its story for the reason of killing from quarrel through suffocation and to confirm the advance planning of the crime.

If the Attorney-General, who is appointed as a preacher, can persuade the Saudi judges that the return is worthy of murder, and that the activist of Jinn al-Hathul poses a threat to the security of the Kingdom, he will have difficulties convincing the Turkish investigators that "the guardians of God's command" were not directed to kill Khashoggi, Seeking to search for his body has ascended to heaven.