Hundreds of documents Iranian information, peeled and revealed on Monday, November 18, by the American newspaper The New York Times and the online investigation site The Intercept, suggest the extent and nature of political and economic influence Iranian to Iraq. And this at all levels, to the highest spheres of Iraqi power.
The content of these documents, published on November 18, echoes the anger of Iraqi protesters, mobilized since early October against their political class deemed corrupt and loyal to the powerful Iranian neighbor.
In one of the documents, Prime Minister Adel Abdel Mahdi, disputed by the protests, is described as having had "a special relationship" with Tehran when he was Minister of Petroleum in 2014.
To understand the significance of these revelations, France 24 interviewed Murtaza Hussain, a journalist with The Intercept, who worked on the Iranian documents in question.
France 24: Can you describe the content of the documents that you could consult?
Murtaza Hussain: It took a lot of time and work to check and translate all these top-secret documents, which represent several hundred pages from the Iranian Ministry of Information, dating back to 2014 and 2015. From such information had never been disclosed before, as Iran is one of those countries that never lets anything filter out of its operations, that Tehran keeps jealously secretive. The sources that sent us the documents are anonymous and describe themselves as individuals irritated by the Iranian influence in Iraq, and by the nature of the presence of this power in their country. In these documents, there is also a lot of information about Iran's close relations with high-ranking Iraqi officials, such as prime ministers and current ministers like the head of government Adel Abdel Mahdi, or his predecessors from now on. in withdrawal. For the first time, these documents make it possible to describe in black and white the depth and nature of these reports.
In particular, have you been able to study Iran's agent recruitment system?
In the documents, we can see how the Iranian agent recruitment system works in Iraq. In particular, we have a message from a former adviser to the Iranian government who explains that there are people in Iraq who can be trusted with their eyes closed. This is to say the degree of confidence they have in these people. In addition, a significant number of actors in the Iraqi political scene lived in exile in Iran, when Saddam Hussein was in power in Iraq. Once back in their country, after 2003, they acted as Tehran's privileged interlocutors within Iraqi power and the economic system. It must be understood that Iranian activities and operations in the region do not necessarily cost a lot of money. These activities and the financing of affidés remain highly valuable for relatively very little expense. If the Islamic Republic thinks, rightly or wrongly, that the Iranian presence in neighboring countries is a strategic issue of national security, even existential, then it will pursue this adventurous policy, regardless of the economic pressure imposed on it.
Can the Iranian power lose its influence in Iraq, where it is challenged by Iraqi protesters? Can he give up his networks patiently set up?
As can be seen at the moment in the current protests in Iraq, slogans directly target the role played by Iran in the country, but these documents justify the complaints of the protesters, in the sense that they show that Tehran has privileged access to the Iraqi political system at all levels.
Iranian power should be careful not to thwart the Iraqi nationalist sentiment, which is very alive, especially among the younger generation. The memory of the Iran-Iraq war, which was one of the most brutal conflicts in the region during the 20th century, also remains very present.
In the context of an influence struggle with the United States, the Islamic Republic is in a better position. Not only because it has built relationships through its intelligence services, but also because it shares a border with its neighbor, as well as historical religious and cultural links. Iran could suffer setbacks in the current situation, and be forced to correct its degree of influence. But I doubt that in the long run a situation similar to that which existed before 2003, that is to say an Iraqi government that is aggressive and hostile to Tehran, can come to power in Iraq. I do not think the Iranians will ever allow it, because they will sacrifice everything to prevent this from happening, and they have many ways to do it.