The head of the ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, Pedro Sanchez, on the eve of the Cortes elections scheduled for next Sunday, showed that they were "not joking," but intend to fight opponents in a socialist, working way.
Sanchez said that if his party receives a mandate to form a government, an article will be introduced into the criminal code to justify the Franco regime (1939-1975) and organizations that glorify his personality will be banned. The glorification can be understood as the glorification itself (“Thank you for your high feat, comrade caudil secretary”), and, obviously, the absence of an unconditional rejection of the generalissimo and his regime.
In any case, Sanchez’s words: “Democratic Spain is the result of forgiveness, but it cannot be the result of oblivion. I declare that we will introduce responsibility in the Criminal Code for the justification of Francoism, Nazism and totalitarianism, ”they can be interpreted quite widely depending on the political situation.
And Sanchez’s determination should not be taken. The reburial of Franco’s body - he was taken out of the memorial to the victims of the civil war in the Valley of the Fallen and interred in the family cemetery - was carried out just in time as his prime minister.
Undoubtedly, sculpting from the Generalissimo an impeccable hidalgo in the spirit of "Songs of My Side" is hardly possible. Civil war winners are not holy angels. Especially in a country as fierce as Spain, which cost the country half a million dead - 5% of the population. Moreover, a significant proportion died not in the course of hostilities, but as a result of the class struggle - on both sides. The Republicans were not angels either - in war as in war.
It should be borne in mind that the long-running Franco regime is 35 years old! - Incorporated several political models, although with one caudillo. Modes are evolving - remember the history of the USSR.
The toughest were the first 15 years - until the mid-1950s. Economic isolation, monstrous devastation, hunger, lack of soap and lice. Management, too, was not soft.
Then began the "Spanish economic miracle" (in Spanish - desarrollismo). The regime has shifted towards pure authoritarianism - "do not meddle in politics and enrich yourself." Why was a series of reliefs taken, including in the field of civil liberties. Borders were opened, etc., and the authorities demanded from the Spaniards only external loyalty.
Finally, in recent years, Franco is the careful dismantling of Francoism. Without this lifetime dismantling, the establishment of a new regime after 1975 would hardly have gone so smoothly.
Franco combined the features of Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev and early Gorbachev. Therefore, it is hardly true to regard such a multi-valued figure as a perfect archdeposit. Although the harsh don Pedro, it seems, refers to Franco that way.
But the debate about Franco and his regime is one thing, but there is another, no less important. When establishing a new regime, new rules of the game and transitional provisions in 1977, the so-called Moncloa Pacts were concluded, that is, a series of agreements between various political forces designed to ensure a smooth transition. And the then head of the ISRP, Felipe González, whose role in this process was quite significant, it never occurred to him to introduce criminal penalties for acquitting Franco. Gonzalez was not quick-witted and light-winged enough.
By the way, thanks to this mutual loyalty and accuracy of the parties, the Moncloa pacts were set as an example and for the edification of post-communist Russia: that's how the hidalgo culturally ruins everything. The then liberal press did its best to instill in the public a desire to be a gishpan.
But 40 years passed, and it turned out that now new times and mutual amnesty are no longer mandatory and even more so - terrible and dangerous. The reason for this turn is not clear. Of course, Spain is not going through the best of times (and who is experiencing the best now? No, tell me!), But Francoism as a political force is dead than the dead. Neofalangist parties gain less than a percent.
In such circumstances, the persecution of the deceased in its practical significance and usefulness resembles a domestic brave struggle with Comrade Stalin - as if they were going to the north, there were huge deadlines, anyone you ask - everyone had a decree. Or, returning to Spanish politics, as if Madrid had already stormed four columns, and the fifth had settled inside.
But such a Spanish ballad - here you are, grandmother, and the Moncloa Pacts! - serves as interesting information for reflection on whether it is possible to trust conversations about a round table, honorable surrender, etc.
As Ronald Reagan said, “trust, but verify.”
The author’s point of view may not coincide with the position of the publisher.