The Catalan Mars field

In his speech as the Nobel Prize of 1970, the communist dissident Alexandr Solzhenitsyn , victim of the worst totalitarianism of the twentieth century, warned of a circumstance that, sometimes, is forgotten and that it should always be kept in mind. Violence can only be disguised by lies and this, in turn, can only be sustained by violence, existing between both "the most intimate and the deepest of natural ties." The author of the Gulag Archipelago , a key work in the decline of communism in the former USSR, said that this viciousness progressed shameless and victorious through its exultant justification.

From the conviction that power can do anything and that justice cannot do anything instead, Solzhenitsyn watched as those demons of Dostoevsky's novel - apparently a fantasy nineteenth-century provincial nightmare - spread and infected countries where, by way of explosions and attacks, they could very well succeed. At a distal size, young people contributed that, lacking experience and lack of years of suffering, "joyfully endorse our depraved Russian mistakes of the 19th century, believing that they have discovered something new." This makes them relativize - and even praise - the latest temerity. But it is also facilitated by those who, having lived longer and understanding the serious risks in the making, do not dare to oppose them; on the contrary, they flatter them not to appear retrograde, to enjoy eternal adolescence or, simply, not to be noticed.

Both embody the "spirit of Munich" that pulled Chamberlain after clapping before Hitler , believing he had reaped the peace he would not have, and finds no other way to face the bestiality than appeasement. In the opinion of the Nobel Prize, the "spirit of Munich" is a disease that cancels the will of governments and people in the false idea that "tomorrow, you'll see, everything will be fine", but it never ends because the cowardice is done tributary of evil.

After 40 years, that allegation by Solzhenitsyn accurately describes the present time of a Catalonia with a government in insubordination - Judge Llarena already warned, at the end of his instruction in the 1-O summary, that the process was still going on - and that, already devoid of the mask of the "smile revolution", has united sovereignty with terrorism. He has done so by condemning the last arrest of a command of the self-appointed defense committees of the Republic (CDR) accused of preparing bomb attacks this October, in anticipation of the Supreme Court ruling against the leaders of the asonada. Seeing the separatist deputies shout "Freedom, freedom" for an armed group, while voting for the expulsion of the same body that achieved its disarticulation, we must inquire what Samuel Johnson posed in his day: "How is it that do we hear more clamorous for freedom among slave traders? "

It is not known, of course, a precedent in which a Government, at that time the maximum representative of the State in Catalonia, and a Parliament so legitimately legitimize alleged terrorists. But neither has a former president on the run, like the fugitive Puigdemont , had presumed that "we are scared, and more afraid than we will be," he said on July 1, 2017 before half a thousand mayors at the University of Barcelona in open threat to the State; nor that another in exercise, his valid Torra , would encourage those guerrillas of the CDR to the raucous cry of "Squeeze, squeeze, you do well to squeeze" on the occasion of the first anniversary of the illegal referendum, after confessing one of them and boasting that " I have all my family aimed at the CDR ", becoming complicit in their actions.

This has gone from refusing to condemn the tumultuary acts of the CoRs - not even when they indicated with excrement the headquarters of the Pdecat and ERC and threatened the Government for not applying the results of the 1-O referendum simulation - to support its explosive terrorism. Moreover, according to one of the repentant of the Tactical Response Team (ERT) he was aware of the plans and another of them maintained direct contact with him, according to the investigation.

In the Catalan Orwell archipelago, thanks to its absolute control of the media, well delivered to the lie, well resigned to the voluntary servitude of an ominous silence, the handling of information allows it to amalgamate reality to convenience and even make it forget as if it would not be. Thus, Pilar Rahola , author of the biography of Mas King Arthur and Áulica counselor of Puigdemont, determines that the CDRs are "a civic, transversal movement with people of good faith." Or the official television considers "a great media action" to place a bomb in Parliament. In this way, it corroborates the cognitive distortion of nationalism. "The nationalist - wrote Orwell, who lived the Civil War Catalonia - not only does not disapprove atrocities committed by his side, but has a remarkable ability to not even find out about it."

The worst, however, is that this voluntary blindness be adopted by those who, like Chamberlain, have to restrain and redirect that totalitarian drift. As much as the votes that hold them today in La Moncloa come from declared insummitations to the State, they do not wish to make an enemy with them in case they need to specify their votes after the 10-N fortune roulette or they yearn to become distracted, They will return the tiger to its cage.

In that delirium of unreasonableness, the confusing reaction of the Government regarding the arrest of the alleged terrorist command of the CDR would make sense. Powerfully calls attention to the anger of Minister Marlaska at the controls of the Civil Guard, revealed by THE WORLD, because they did not detail the operation Judas - revealing denomination that warns of possible betrayals - when 72 hours anticipated the draft of it. It cannot be ignored - much less a minister-judge - that these civil guards, although under their operational command, are judicial police and, consequently, are due to the judge of the case.

In addition, Marlaska knows how the police charges of Minister Rubalcaba were played as a magistrate by sabotaging on May 4, 2006, so as not to interfere with Zapatero's secret conversations with ETA, the dismantling of the band's extortion apparatus at the bar Pheasant through a slap to members of the organization about his impending detention. As Marlaska did appear in the proceedings on the complaint, the police chiefs, more attentive to Rubalcaba as a minister than to him as a judge, did not notice the leak until 72 hours had elapsed when they "had the professional telephone number of this instructor and his mobile ".

Therefore, regardless of whether Sánchez and Marlaska find it difficult to understand some things when their salary depends on not understanding them, it seems to be evident that now as then the acting Government would have preferred that this judicial operation had not anticipated the sentence of 1 -0. It would have been a recklessness that, knowing the immediacy of the terrorist plans, Judge García Castellón would have subordinated his urgent action to the political calendar.

Unfortunately, those past days are left behind - deceptive for the rest - in which the Basque nationalists looked like Mars, because of terrorism, and their Catalan colleagues pretended to be Venus. But it is not that the latter, after 40 years on Venus, have mutated in nature to cultivate the fields of Mars with enthusiasm, since they were always Martians. In spite of its Venusian mask, emblazoning the vaunted seny of the golden times of Pujolism, Catalan nationalism has exerted a violence, more subtle if one wishes. But violence after all, as many Catalans suffer today who do not submit to the cavalry gallows of mandatory separatism.

In the same way, Basque nationalism also, when acquiring a Venusian envelope after the goodbye to ETA weapons, has ceased to be from Mars. He assumes a non-violent pragmatism that informs him, in exchange for not continuing to unravel the guns, considerable advantages. Amen, of course, of the penguins benefits of a profitable quota that frees you from contributing in solidarity in proportion to your high level of income. Pursuing an old aspiration of txapela nationalism, this one now presses a political concert that gives it the character of a Freely Associated State according to the formula established in Puerto Rico in 1952.

Probably, the apparent crossroads between the two nationalisms must be set at the meeting of the former Chief Executive of the Generalitat with Maragall , Carod-Rovira , at that time acting president , and therefore the first authority of the State in Catalonia, with the terrorist organization in January 2004 in Perpignan. As a result, ETA established its Catalan protectorate, while continuing to kill in the rest of Spain. "Euskal Herria and Catalunya -according to ETA's Amanuenses- are the wedges that are making the old framework of the institutional and political framework" Spanish crack.

Translated to Roman Paladin, a partner of the PSOE - promoter of the anti-terrorist pact with Aznar - granted ETA the guarantor vitola of the road undertaken by ERC towards independence. Otherwise, the damage is assured: Catalonia would cease to be a free zone of bloodthirsty terrorism and would suffer new attacks as cruel as those of Hipercor or Vic's barracks. A Zapatero partner guarded the Catalans under the terrorist umbrella and he placed the rest of the Spaniards in the line of fire of some murderers. Before the silence of the PSOE, Carod and ERC perpetrated the wrongdoing of converting the death plans of others into their own votes, as had happened with the pact signed in Estella between the PNV and ETA. Following the shirt, Bono would warn Zapatero: "José Luis, with Carod there, you will not be able to go to a funeral of ETA victims."

Already, at the beginning of the 80s, the then Socialist Foreign Minister, Francisco Fernández Ordoñez -before he had been with UCD-, made a confidence to his most direct collaborators that was surprising at the time he made it. Although they had not stopped registering attacks during the Governments of Suárez and González , he was more concerned with Catalan nationalism than with the Basque, although he doubted whether the day on which ETA disappeared the separatist claim would not be transmitted to the group of national parties.

Even giving Jordi Pujol a great friendship, it was mischievous that, behind ambiguous language and his equivocal behavior, he concealed a pragmatic independence that awaited the opportune hour. Instead of claiming their feelings for the rooftops, he explained, he was rooting for the state to be a hollow shell. While producing its emptying and taking out the State of Catalonia, Pujol established the basis of what Tarradellas , already outside the Generalitat, called "white dictatorship" and which he classified as more dangerous than the red ones. "The white woman - argues - does not kill, kill, or put people in concentration camps, but seizes the country."

The suspicions of Fernández Ordonez were, then, corroborated by the elder Tarradellas whom some independentistas wanted to enter a psychiatric hospital when he was in exile. In a 1981 letter to the then director of La Vanguardia , Horacio Sáenz Guerrero , he testified that, after giving possession to Pujol in an act in which he refused to close it alive to Catalonia and Spain, he had the feeling that he was going to Start a stage that "would remind us of other very sad and unfortunate times for our country."

"How is it possible - he wondered and should ask 38 years later - that Catalonia has fallen again to gradually sink into a painful situation, like the one that is beginning to occur?" For surely practicing evil, while proclaiming good. It was the ploy of a Pujol who, while filling his pockets, always conceived that, "made the country, the State must be done" in a Spain that, with respect to nationalism, has been guided by a blind left and a paralytic right .

According to the criteria of The Trust Project

• ETA
• CDR
• Spain
• ERC
• PSOE
• Puerto Rico
• Supreme Court
• Adolf Hitler
• Civil Guard
• Jordi Pujol
• Jose Maria Aznar
• PNV
• Parot doctrine

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