The return of Íñigo Errejón in national politics, not by suspicion, ceases to be the most decisive novelty in the correlation of forces to be measured in 10-N. After a sinuous trajectory, characterized by the threat and resistance to assume the cost of prominence, Errejón announced yesterday that he will lead a new leftist formation detached from Podemos. Consume the split that broke the party that he co-founded with Pablo Iglesias, whose convergence strategy with the traditional space of the United Left disagreed. To the point of promoting an alternative project in the second congress of Vistalegre, where he was defeated. It can be said that since then, Errejón began to meditate on the way to compensate against what he understood as a denaturation of the original project of Podemos, which was based on confluences of confederal vocation and cultivated a transversality designed to dilute the deterrent effect of communism. The first step of that rematch was his victory in the autonomous regions of May over the official candidacy of Isabel Serra. Now it seems that the time has come for the final blow, in what promises to be another chapter of the recurring fratricide on the Spanish left, especially on its most radical shore.

However, and despite the careful image of goodism that the now candidate has worked on, it is convenient not to deceive himself about the extremist ideology that underlies his project. Errejón is not a social democrat, nor a constitutionalist. His identity-based populism, raised in Chavismo, starts from the denial of personal freedom and pursues the individual's submission to the social engineering of a paternalistic state that finally fulfills the utopia of the elimination of inequalities. Of course, Errejón credits ample tacticism to mold his creed to the situation that best suits his ambition; Today, this context recommends that you present yourself as the "antidote to abstention" that leftist voters are disappointed with the failure of Sánchez e Iglesias. It aims to capitalize on that vote to become the key to an entente with Podemos and PSOE that integrates errejonism into the axis of power.

Errejón's electoral behavior is unknown. As is the implausible internal unity of a party born by the addition of anti-capitalist nationalisms sewn solely by the rejection of Iglesias. It is likely that it will do a lot of damage to Podemos and less to the PSOE, but once the fragmentation has been introduced, the distribution of seats becomes more unpredictable. In any case, the concurrence of Errejón to a general election supposes the final implosion of Podemos: the twilight of a formation that wanted to storm the skies and today bleeds without remedy because of the armored caudillismo, the ideological dogmatism and the child factionalism.

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