Sánchez's Portuguese letter

There was a political time - September 1988 - in which the Government of Felipe González , to exempt himself from the crimes of the LAGs, used apocryphal Portuguese letters with the approval of the former attorney general of the State Javier Moscoso . Nothing to do, of course, with the famous epistles of love that Mariana Alcoforado wrote three centuries ago since her convent retreat from Beja, in the Alentejo, to Count Chamilly, captain of the gala cavalry participating in the siege of Ferreira, and compelled with that title stamped on the cover.

In those missive spurious to embarrass the investigation on the LAG, three mercenaries imprisoned in the neighboring country disdained the charges made before the judge against the Spanish police officers Amedo and Dominguez , finally convicted in this summary. It was soon learned that the signature of the prison director certifying the authorship of the confessions had been supplanted. In 1995, he would repeat this type of fullerias when the department of biministro Belloch invented a non-existent Khan captain of the Laos Police to camouflage the return to Spain of the former director general of the Civil Guard, Luis Roldán , in full torrent of scandals Socialists

Although those Portuguese letters of the LAGs are already lost in the night of time, their fraudulent nature is connected - and they are topical - with the Portuguese trick now used by the candidate for the Presidency of the Government, Pedro Sánchez . Maneuver to mislead public opinion, entangle its opponents, have the King waiting and resort, if the game is going well, to an electoral repetition in which to endorse his rivals his incompetence to gain his endowment. Nothing new under the sun.

He already did it with the summons on the last Sunday of April to catch the other people. However, the vest that was made under the General State Budget in a campaign in which he had all the bicocas and canonies of power fell short of armholes. In fact, it was what moved, with the worst results of the PSOE since the democratic restoration, to mount its motion of censure Frankenstein with podemites and independence: go to the polls when he arranged and in Falcon mode. That heterogeneous conjunction, effective in defenestrating a Rajoy alienated from reality, was and turns out to be crazy to build something other than the biblical Tower of Babel with the added risk of crushing the promoter of the rant.

If from the removal of Rajoy until 28-A, Sánchez stretched the gum as much as he could to carve out an image of president without votes to stand in La Moncloa, this time the same after winning with 123 Pyrrhic seats and taking three months delivered to the Cicada song. Finally, in this beginning of ferragosto , to see how time is on him, the chicharra Sánchez has intensified his squeaky song to blame the ants for not filling the pantry with the seats he longs to be president for being who he is. When no minority applicant has had the opportunity to stock up on the right and left as in their circumstances. On the other hand, it entangles and takes advantage of the holiday period par excellence so that it looks more.

This game of marked cards is so recurrent that Sánchez is brought in that evokes the character of Walter Matthau in The Odd Couple , the great comedy by Willy Wilder who co-starred with Jack Lemmon , when he imperatively claimed the other players: "Hold the Letters I want to see where I have marked them! " Lying in one direction and the other way around, his word suffers such depreciation that it only compromises those who need to believe it, either for convenience, or just for arriving at the sun that warms the most, for that reason I warm up and people laugh, while they rule their butters and tender bread days, as the most culteran of our poets summed up in a crystalline way. If Sanchez is not a legit politician for his own, as he already accredited to his own, it was not going to be for others, to whom he has already shown more than enough samples in this field.

In this regard, returning to the Portuguese route that says that he would like to implement in Spain, it should be clarified that Sánchez is only interested in the exclusive effects of governing alone without the withdrawal of the forces owning the seats required to be invested. But not to import the reforms that have worked a real miracle from the hand of a left that followed in the footsteps of its center-right predecessors to rescue Portugal from the crisis through community intervention of its economy. Thus Sánchez does not seek to apply the policies that have reversed the public deficit or reduced the fiscal pressure. Two ballasts of which the Government of the socialist Costa has been released with the parliamentary support of the past (but not periclited) Communist Party and the aboriginal formation of Podemos (Bloco de Esquerda).

This explains why it is a magnet for savings and foreign investment. Coming, for example, from Spain, whose head of the Treasury, María Jesús Montero , presumes that where the money of the citizens is better is in the hands of the Treasury. This is a lot to say considering that its vice president, Carmen Calvo , believes that what belongs to everyone is not from anyone and, consequently, the Government can do what it wants, as both worked in Andalusia. If Spain barely resists the onslaught of the crisis, it is because Sanchez governs with the extended budgets of the PP and, even so, he already squandered funds so that his electoral Fridays filled the ballot boxes. Therefore, it is a lesser evil that Spain lacks government if what comes next is the misgovernment of a bad government.

Reducing taxes and liberalizing its economy, in the antipodes of Sánchez and his preferred partners (Podemos and independentistas), Portugal regains its self-esteem. Far from when the writer and diplomat Eça de Queirós traveled by tram through Paris with another consul and observed that a woman, sitting in front, did not take their eyes off them. As the novelist addressed the reviewer in perfect French, the lady asked him: "Excuse me. Before I heard you speak in a language that is unknown to me. It is not English, nor German; nor Italian. Are they Spanish?" "Oh, ma'am," he replied wryly. "Worse still: Portuguese."

Even though it is as close geographically as it is politically today, Portugal is far from Spain because of a factor that Sanchez cannot avoid when it comes to forming a Portuguese government: separatism. In fact, its Constitution prohibits even regional parties, in addition to being one of the many nation-states that strictly prevents a constitutional amendment that contemplates the possibility of self-determination by inserting what, in constitutional law, is called the clause of intangibility For auction, in Portugal, the percentage of citizens willing to integrate in Spain is traditionally higher than those in favor of secession are registered in Spain. They feed the iberista dream of Nobel Saramago in La raft de piedra, where the splitting of the Peninsula fables following a crack in the Pyrenees.

As Guerra said (Rafael, the bullfighter, of course), there are things that cannot be and are also impossible, and the first one who knows is Sánchez, who only looks for a trap to weaken the adversary. Thus, with Podemos, he uses a scheme that exploded the PSOE in Andalusia when, in the autonomous regions of 1994, he remained in the minority and denounced the clamp of the PP and IU. After letting Chaves see that the arrogance of the absolute majority was over and he refused to be a mere crutch for that stage of disability due to corruption and the economic crisis, the UI of Anguita and Rejón agreed at the last minute a distribution of counseling, as well as compliance with the accounts of 95. But Chaves broke the day of the signing imperative Gonzalez.

To charge the owl to IU, as Sánchez now with Podemos, the PSOE would agitate all the southern groups that lived on the budget in the neo-Caciquil regime that Chaves presided. At the same time, I was tempting the fifth columnists of IU - especially Nueva Izquierda, by López Garrido , among others - to sabotage from within the strategy of Anguita de il sorpasso aimed at becoming the hegemonic force of the left.

Sanchez's chief of staff, Iván Redondo, as an advisor in his day to former Extremaduran president Monago , history is well known. Not surprisingly, he succeeded in abstention of IU deputies against the federal directive of Cayo Lara , substitute for Anguita, to sign agreements with the PSOE. Now, after a while, Sanchez does the same by stirring the rich honeycomb of the public revenue-collecting groups and sowing them with promises that he can later reap in the campaign. In addition, it threatens city halls and autonomies with financial suffocation if there is no government in the conditions he intends. In short, a policy to reduce space , to reduce the maneuverability of the antagonist, similar to the system that Menotti popularized when he came to train Barcelona in Maradona based on pressuring the contestant forwarding the defense.

In any case, Sanchez must make the calculation of Felipe II when he was warned of the unfortunate company of Don Sebastián de Portugal in Morocco, where he would lose his life by becoming an involuntary fautor of the union of both kingdoms. The Escurialense monarch, legitimate heir of that throne and pending the wedding of his daughter Isabel Clara Eugenia with the unfortunate, said: "If Sebastian wins, he wins a son-in-law; if he dies, he wins a kingdom." The Prudent would rule both kingdoms from 1580 to 1598, when he died.

According to the criteria of The Trust Project

• Spain
• IU
• We can
• Portugal
• PSOE
• PP
• Mariano Rajoy
• Andalusia
• Paris
• Pedro Sanchez
• State's general budgets
• Carmen Calvo
• Lara Cay
• Maria Jesus Montero
• Felipe Gonzalez
• Civil Guard
• Morocco

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