The disturbing silence of De la Vega and the Ibex before Villarejo
Spain is a country in which the current president of the Council of State was dedicated in 2005 to reassure Moncloa the leading banker Emilio Botín about the consequences
Spain is a country in which the current president of the Council of State was dedicated in 2005 to reassure the leading banker Emilio Botín from Moncloa about the legal consequences of selling fiscally opaque products and asking him for help to overthrow the second banker, Francisco González , who I saw next to PP. And it turns out that in the bank of this, the BBVA, they learned of this conspiracy thanks to a commissioner who simultaneously his public salary with private businesses.
This is the nauseous panorama of entanglements of power and mafia methods that emerges from the documentation published by moncloa.com and the confidential about the activities of the former commissioner José Villarejo and that has generated a disquieting silence from the protagonists, despite the fact that they should leave step by giving all the explanations.
"She is not going to make statements," sources close to María Teresa Fernández de la Vega told this newspaper at the request of this newspaper about the role that follows from the alleged 2005 conversation intercepted by Villarejo. In it, he told an emissary of Emilio Botín, Ignacio Rupérez , that "there will be no problems" with the oral trial that Santander was expecting in the case of the so-called loan assignments. And, in fact, there were no problems, because the State Attorney and the Prosecutor's Office maintained that there was no damage to the treasury in the 2.4 billion of these opaque products and asked for the file. The so- called Booty Doctrine was born.
This and other elements give plausibility to the conversation, although there are other data that cast doubt on it. On the one hand, the fixed number from which the call occurred does not correspond to the officers of the then director of the Moncloa Economic Office, Miguel Sebastián. It is also hard to believe that De la Vega was with Sebastián when he telephoned Rupérez. In addition, the economic adviser of Zapatero has always denied having intervened in the background issues that appear.
Was Villarejo invented the transcription with intelligent creativity to prove effectiveness to his client, the BBVA? It's a posibility. But there are other facts that give plausibility to the conversation. For example, it is true that Sebastián had a friendship with Rupérez after working in the study services of BBVA and Santander, respectively. It is also true that in Moncloa Rupérez was considered, already assigned to the Matías Rodríguez Inciarte Risk area, as an emissary of Botín, despite his low rank in the financial institution.
Also the content of the conversation about "to see what Manolo does with the potato" as of that same night of January 18, 2005, coincides with what was denounced by the then president of the CNMV, Manolo Conthe . He said his number two, Carlos Arenillas , picked up a dossier in Moncloa at that time to sink the head of BBVA.
As for De la Vega asking Santander to help Sacyr, it also coincides with the fact that the construction company was still officially maintaining its bid for an assault on BBVA. It was an operation launched in November 2004 and that was what motivated the bank defensively-but the end does not justify the means-hiring Villarejo.
According to a relevant former BBVA director, the bank's then head of security, Julio Corrochan , asked his interlocutor, Villarejo's partner Rafael Redondo , not to bring him papers, but only verbal reports, so the call lists would not have arrived at BBVA, let alone transcripts of conversations. González denies having been informed at the time of this contracting and BBVA officially ensures that it is investigating since June !, with an external consultant who does not identify, if there were irregularities and without explaining how long it takes to take action. On the other hand, Sebastián and Arenillas, among others, charge their lawyers with the study of a collective complaint for having been spied on, but, like De la Vega, they do not make statements.
Everything is chilling including how Villarejo controlled phones of thousands of people. The former commissioner promised in the Ibex - according to documents to which this newspaper has had access - that he could "structure loops of access to sensitive information". He knew, among others, the head of security at the time of Telefonica, Florencio San Agapito , who "had channels to obtain lists of calls without a court order," laments a former senior manager of the operator. The ramifications of the Villarejo case extend into the Ibex, and the silence it generates is shocking.
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